Oral History Program Minoru and Ume Miya Interviewed by Allison Bean 14 October 2004 i Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Minoru and Ume Miya Interviewed by Allison Bean 14 October 2004 Copyright © 2014 by Weber State University, Stewart Library ii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. 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It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Miya, Minoru and Miya, Ume, an oral history by Allison Bean, 14 October 2004, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with Min and Ume Miya. The interview was conducted on October 14, 2004, by Allison Bean in Layton, Utah. Min and Ume Miya discuss their experiences and knowledge of farming during and after World War II. AB: Can you both, starting with you, Mr. Miya, give me your full names? MM: Minoru Miya. AB: Okay. And Mrs. Miya? UM: Ume Shiba Miya. AB: And if it's not too personal, can I ask your date of birth? UM: My birth date is March 1, 1918. MM: Mine is October 1, 1920. AB: Okay. First of all, before we begin in the past a little bit, can you tell me about your own family? Did you have any children? MM: Yes, four. AB: Four. How many boys? MM: Three boys and one girl. AB: Okay, can you give me the names of your parents please, Mr. Miya? MM: Nakaemon Miya. AB: That's your father. MM: Yes. And Seki. 1 AB: And her maiden name? UM: Ichikawa. MM: Ichikawa. AB: Were they Issei? MM: Issei. AB: Issei. Both of them? MM: Yes. AB: And do you know approximately the year they came over to the United States? MM: My dad came over in 1906. My mother came over in 1918. AB: Okay. MM: Somewhere near there—18 or 19. I think it was 1918. AB: Was she a picture bride by chance? MM: Yes. AB: She was. Okay. And what brought your father over? MM: Oh. AB: Was he looking for some of the labor jobs in the railroads? MM: Yes, railroads. Whatever he could get. He wanted a good living. And I think most of them came to earn some money and then go back. AB: And did he ever return? MM: He did. One time. 2 UM: But it was just to visit? MM: Just to visit. UM: I think he visited a number of times. MM: Twice. AB: Okay. UM: I can't remember exactly, but I think, two or three times. AB: But the United States remained his home? UM: He was a United States citizen. What year was that he got his citizenship? MM: I can't remember. UM: It was in the 1980s, I think. MM: I don't think it was that late. It was earlier than that. AB: Okay. But he did receive... MM: Both of them. AB: They both received... MM: Yes. AB: Okay. And then, Mrs. Miya. Can I get the name of your parents, please? UM: My father's name was Ushizo Shiba. AB: And your mother? UM: My mother's name was Kiku Hayakawa. 3 AB: Were they Issei also? UM: Yes. AB: And do you know the years they came over? UM: My father came, I think, about 1901. And my mother came in about 1912. Something like that. I am not exactly sure. AB: Okay. And was she a picture bride as well? UM: No. They were married in Japan. AB: And why did he come over? UM: Well, his father, not his father but his cousin I think, was over here. And he decided he wanted to, you know, come over to see if he could make a better living. The same as Min's father. MM: Most of them came... UM: They weren't doing so well in Japan. The money wasn't, you know, they weren't making a great living. So most of them came—some went to Mexico and some went to Europe, I heard. And a lot of them came to the United States. AB: And did they start out on the West Coast and then migrate into Utah? Or were their plans to migrate right to Utah? MM: My father had a brother right here in Idaho. And he came through Vancouver, Seattle, and into Idaho. And that's where he stopped first. AB: And then he came here? 4 MM: He went to Colorado and farmed there for a few years. And then he worked on the railroad, and then he started farming. AB: Okay. Mrs. Miya. Was your father a farmer as well? UM: Yes. He was a farmer. AB: Okay. And Mr. Miya. Do you know the process of how your dad came about farming? Did he lease or sharecrop? MM: He didn't ever sharecrop. I think he just started out renting. AB: Oh, he did. Do you know where his farm was at? MM: It's the... well, the first farm was in Colorado. I don't remember the name of the town. But then he come from there and went up on a railroad for a while. And then he came to Utah and rented a farm in Clearfield, right east of the Clearfield High School. There used to be a _____ track—just east of the tracks. So, it would be right east of the freeway. AB: Oh, okay. MM: I think he had forty acres of tomatoes there. AB: So that was what he farmed—did you say forty acres? MM: Yes. AB: Was Del Monte in by then? MM: He went with Utah Canning Company. AB: Okay. And when he moved to Clearfield was he renting the land? 5 MM: Yes. He was renting. And then from there, I was born there, and my next brother was born there. From there, we went to Mount Pleasant or Fairview. There was a sugar beet contractor who was Japanese. The sugar beet contractor would contract a lot of families to go down and farm sugar beets. AB: Do you remember the contractor's name by chance? MM: No. AB: Okay. MM: And we stayed there a couple of years, two or three years. And then we, it wasn't so profitable, so we moved to Clearfield again. But in South Clearfield. AB: Okay. And were these lands owned or rented? MM: He rented them. The land owner was Jim Ellison. After that, Ellison sold to ... when it gets closer, then I can't remember. (Laughing). Then we stayed there for twenty-one years or something. And then from there, we started purchasing. AB: And where was that at? MM: In Clearfield. Oh, in Clinton. We purchased twenty acres. AB: And what did you grow there? MM: Mostly tomatoes and sugar beets. AB: Did you and your siblings work on the farm? MM: Yes. AB: Did most of them, when they became adults, farm? 6 MM: No. None of them farmed. We have two dentists. UM: They worked on the farm though. They helped us. MM: They worked until they went to college. In fact, one of them worked later than that. AB: And that is where your father retired from—there in Clinton. MM: No. Then we purchased some more ground in Clearfield, about sixty acres there. UM: We were farming with his brothers. AB: Oh, so this is when you were an adult. MM: Yes. AB: What year would you guess this would be? MM: 1952. Well first, we started buying in 1947. AB: That was the Clinton land then in 1947? MM: Yes. Then in 1949, we bought a twenty acre piece there in Clearfield. And then we bought a forty acre piece before that. UM: But before the war started, we had planned to purchase about sixty acres. We were waiting for the loan to go through. MM: We were waiting for a loan with Beneficial Life Company. And the war broke out, so they canceled it. So we couldn't buy. AB: The financing company canceled, or the person selling the land? UM: The financing company. Because of the war. MM: And they wouldn't... there, they wouldn't sell to Japanese anyway. 7 AB: Well, I have heard that some cities had petitions and things like that. MM: Yes. AB: So, you went from 1941 to 1948 before you could purchase the land there. UM: We purchased the land there in Clearfield before 1948 because Denny was five years old when we went to Clearfield. MM: In Clinton. We went to Clinton, and then went to Farr West. UM: So, the one we purchased in Clinton was in 19... Let’s see, Denny was born in 1945... MM: It's got be around 1948. Anyway, one or two years difference. AB: Somewhere around there. MM: That was in 1941. AB: And then you continued leasing. MM: We did for a while AB: At this point, was your father still farming? MM: Yes. AB: And yourself and how many siblings? MM: There was four brothers and one sister. AB: Do you mind giving me their names? MM: There was Shigeru, Hideo, and my sister Chieko, and Yukio. AB: And then yourself and your father. MM: Yes. My mother also. 8 AB: So, you all farmed. Did you all have your own individual homes on the lands? MM: We lived together for a long time, about twelve years. UM: You know, the Japanese custom is for the oldest person, when they get married, the wife comes to live with them. And so, I lived with the family, plus the brothers and sisters. The whole family. Let's see. We lived together until... MM: 1957. UM: No. Longer than that because Denny was eleven years old. AB: And this is your... UM: Oldest son. And he was eleven. So, this would be about 1956. AB: And this is when... UM: When the parents moved to Clearfield. AB: And you stayed in Clinton? UM: We stayed in Farr West. We had purchased it in 1952. AB: I am curious about the custom. You get married... UM: In Japan. The oldest takes over the farm and the home. You know, continues on for generations. The oldest boy. If they don't have any boys, they usually, you know, when the daughter gets married, the oldest daughter, her husband comes in and takes over the family farm or whatever they have. AB: Is this practiced still? MM: In Japan, but not here. 9 UM: Not now. I don't hear of a... the second generation. AB: So it stopped with the second generation? MM: Yes. AB: That's interesting. Okay. So you were in ... is it Farr West or Clinton—or are they the same place? MM: After we'd gotten through renting, we moved from South Clearfield to Clinton. And there, we lived altogether. For a while we rented two farms. And in the meantime... UM: Besides the farms we bought. We still rented some and owned some. AB: So they were spread out a little bit then. MM: Yes. They were spread out. AB: So how did you do that with your equipment? MM: Oh, we used the same equipment. AB: What kind of equipment did they have back in the early fifties? Did they have tractors? MM: Yes. AB: They did. MM: Yes. AB: Were they pretty crude? MM: At that time, it was the best you could get. AB: When do you think tractors came about? MM: We bought our first tractor in 1940. 10 UM: It was before the war. AB: Do you remember how much it cost? MM: Oh, about six hundred dollars. That was a lot of money. AB: That was a lot of money. The Depression was still hanging on. MM: Yes. I know that we bought a '37 Ford car. It cost seven hundred and fifty dollars. It deluxe. AB: And that's brand new and deluxe? MM: Yes. (Laughing). AB: Okay. So, with your farms all over, you would just take the equipment. MM: And the horses. AB: Oh, you still had horses then? And wagons? MM: Yes. AB: How many farm hands did you hire, or did the family do all of the work? MM: The family did most of the work. They tried not to hire anybody. AB: Seasonally did you have to hire help? MM: No. UM: We picked the tomatoes and harvested the onions. AB: Is this everybody? The wives and the children? MM: Yes. AB: And your mom? Did she help? 11 MM: Yes. She was the boss. (Laughing). UM: She was the boss. Just like it is now. (Laughing). AB: Things don't change much, do they? MM: No, (laughing). AB: When you had all of these different farms, did each piece of land farm different produce and different crops, or were they mostly the same? MM: Mostly the same. AB: What were the crops? MM: Mostly tomatoes and sugar beets. Then we started to raise potatoes, had a few onions, alfalfa, grain. AB: And you did all of that yourselves? MM: Yes. AB: And can I ask you how you marketed each of these? Let's go through each—like the tomatoes. MM: The tomatoes—most of it was marketed to the canning company. AB: And was that still the Utah Canning Company? MM: Yes. AB: Mr. Nagao told me that he sold to Del Monte. Did you ever sell to them? MM: No. There were a lot of them. AB: There were a lot of canning companies? 12 MM: Yes. AB: And your sugar beets? MM: Sugar beets—Davis County came to Layton Sugar Company. Layton used to have a sugar factory. AB: And that was not the U&I? It was a separate one? MM: It was separate. Layton Sugar Company. The Ellison’s owned that. AB: Oh, they did? MM: Yes. AB: Now is that Allison or Ellison? MM: Ellison with an 'E'. AB: Did they also own land in Fruit Heights, too? MM: This right here was Ellison’s. UM: They owned the Layton bank. The First National Bank. It used to be the Ellison’s. AB: My subdivision. It was owned by Barlow’s, but it is Ellison Farms. MM: Barlow’s? Haven? AB: I think so. MM: See. Haven married an Ellison. AB: Oh. Okay. So that's how it's connected. So this is the same family who you leased the land from then? Your father did? MM: Yes. Then we farmed here in what we used to call 'nineteen' in Layton here. 13 UM: Section nineteen. AB: And that was later on that you got that land? MM: During the period. We rented a lot of ground. AB: So, you sold sugar beets to the Layton Sugar Company. What about the onions? How did you market those? MM: Onion s and potatoes were marketed down to the Salt Lake market for shippers. It was Heniz Company or Sterling Nelson. AB: Okay. And then your alfalfa and grain. Was that just local? MM: That was for our horses. AB: That was for your own use. MM: Yes. AB: Did you ever truck farm? MM: Yes. AB: You did. MM: Yes. Semi—truck farm and then we sold to the canning companies because we had a large operation. AB: So, with your truck farming is that to the Salt Lake market? MM: Yes. AB: How did that work? MM: I ended up taking all of my produce down there, towards the end. 14 AB: And they—did you have a contract with them? MM: No. Well, we had been there so long. Like Associated took most of my produce. So, they were big enough to take most of my fresh produce. UM: We used to plant early tomatoes, which we capped. You know, the white caps? And then they would come out early so we could pick them and pack them in boxes, and then they would take it to the market in Salt Lake. MM: We would set up early in the morning. AB: Were the buyers buying for stores or for their own individual use? MM: Well, all kinds of buyers. We had a long platform, plus all of the wholesale warehouses around it. UM: The buyers would come to this market. There used to be a market in Salt Lake where people would, you know, farmers would bring their produce and have a stall. And buyers would come and buy the produce. Whatever you had. And we had tomatoes and ... mostly we sold tomatoes there. But later when we sold a lot of onions and potatoes, we sold to these wholesale produce places, like Associated or there was others. AB: And when you went to Associated or Muirs did you have contacts with them? MM: No. AB: You were always independent? MM: Yes. Independent. With potatoes, I raised quite a few potatoes, and they would to a potato chip company in Salt Lake. And I had contracts there. I raised maybe forty or fifty acres of potatoes. 15 AB: How many acres do you think you had total at your highest point? MM: About three hundred. AB: And it still worked by the family mostly? MM: Yes. But during the tomato harvest later, I hired whatever labor I could get. AB: Like migrant workers? MM: No. I sometimes would have to go to 25 Street in Ogden to gather up some of the drunks or whatever, you know. AB: Because labor was hard to find? MM: Yes. I tried to get migrant workers, but some years you can't because there is so much other work to do for them that they don't have to come up this far. Later on when I was raising onions, well at that time, we were one of the bigger growers of onions. Then I hired a lot of workers that weren't citizens—what do you call them? UM: They would just come in for the season. AB: From Mexico? MM: Yes. So, they didn't have papers. AB: How did that go? Were they good workers? MM: Yes. They were the best ones. We had real good success with them until the immigration officers come around and picked them up. And then we had to go around looking for some more. I don't know what—I shouldn't have brought that up! (Laughing). I did a lot of illegal things. They were the best workers. 16 UM: They would come around asking for work. You know, you felt sorry for them and hired them. They were good workers. AB: Was this in the forties, fifties, or sixties? MM: No. It would be in the sixties and seventies. AB: Okay. MM: t didn't farm—did I farm in the eighties? I quit when I was sixty-seven, so that would be 1987. AB: What about your siblings who were helping you? Is anybody still farming? MM: Yukio. My youngest brother. We were partners until the end. UM: The older ones, like Shigeru, went to California when he got married. MM: My other brother, Hideo, he opened up a box company in Clearfield. Worldwide Packaging. AB: When did he leave farming? Approximately. UM: Approximately... MM: The sixties. UM: He bought this Worldwide Packaging, and then he quit farming. MM: He went out on his own. AB: So, as your brothers left did you... {Side 2 of tape} AB: And that allowed you to keep farming? 17 MM: Yes. Yes. UM: And then our children grew up. We had three boys, and they all helped on the farm. MM: And they all went to college. UM: And so, finally, there was just Min and his youngest brother, Yukio, farming together, with all of our family and all of his family. MM: But his kids worked on the farm also. UM: Oh, but they were real young earlier. They were a lot younger than our family. And so they worked later, but everybody helped. And then we hired people to help harvest. MM: Non-documented laborers is what I was trying to think of. (Laughing). AB: Just some questions about farming in general. Have any of your children taken up farming? MM: No. AB: What do your children do now? MM: They worked too hard on the farm, so none of them wanted to be farmers. Two of them are dentists. AB: Oh, so those are your children. I was thinking the dentists were siblings. UM: Oh, you meant... MM: I thought siblings was the children. UM: No, no. It's brothers. AB: Okay, so two of the boys are dentists. 18 UM: And one worked for the Utah Power and Light. And then our daughter got married to a person that works for Ford Motor Company. AB: So, is she back in Michigan? UM: No. She, right now, is in San Ramon, California. AB: Your son who worked at the Power Company stayed close. What about the two dentists? MM: One is in Seattle, the oldest one. Our oldest son is a dentist. And our youngest son is a dentist, and he has an office in Layton. He lives right next door. But he has an office in Layton. AB: How do you feel about farming in general? Was it a great way of life? Do you have regrets? UM: It's not very profitable. MM: Well, you can't say that because we sent all our kids through college. UM: But we worked really hard to do that. (Laughing). MM: So, it had to be a little profitable in order to do that. So it was a good life as far as that goes. UM: You can't spend like these kids now days do. We had to scrimp and save to do all of that. Now days, money comes a little easier, so they spend more. (Laughing). AB: I also think there is a lot more debt now though. MM: We weren't in debt. AB: With the farm, did you have a large debt, or were you able to keep things under control? 19 MM: We kept everything under control. Everything was paid. AB: Even as faming equipment got more and more expensive? MM: Yes. UM: Well, sometimes we would have to borrow money in the spring, but by the time we got our harvesting done, we paid it all back. AB: I heard that farming is hard now days because the prices of the crops have remained the same, yet the costs of farming have escalated. Is that true? MM: Yes. That's right. AB: So, how are people making it in farming if that is true? MM: I really don't know. UM: I don't think they are doing very well. MM: No. AB: Would you have wanted any of your children to be farmers? UM: No. MM: No really. It was too hard of a life. AB: And so how do you feel when you hear about the past where Utah's farming community was highly populated with Japanese Americans, but now it is not? How does that make you feel? MM: At least they have education enough so they don't have to farm. AB: And that has been valued. 20 UM: Yes. Farming is hard. You have to work real hard. You do without. MM: Keep your debt under control. AB: How did farming affect the family life? MM: Well, it brought them closer together because we all worked together. So, we're pretty close. Even my brothers and sisters. AB: Did it bring a lot of stress when the days were long? MM: Not really. AB: Can I ask you a few questions about the Japanese American community? I have read that you used to have a picnic in Kaysville. Did you participate in that? MM: Yes. We were one of the sponsors. AB: Oh, you were? Your family? MM: No, the Japanese Farmers Association of Davis and Weber Counties. AB: So you belonged to that association? MM: Yes. AB: Do you know the lifespan of those picnics? MM: I know it was there when we were little kids, so that has got to be in the twenties. And we quit in, when was it, in the seventies. UM: It got so that it was too hard. MM: It was just one or two who was putting it on. And you know, the group got too large. UM: The people coming got too large, but the people sponsoring it got smaller. That's why. 21 AB: Were there other events like the picnics that took place? MM: Well, they used to have a little fishing club. They called it the Utah Nippon Wildlife Association. AB: And was that taking place about the same years? About the 1920s? MM: Yes. UM: But not as long as the farmer's association. AB: So, this farmer's association. I am fascinated about that. Did that dwindle off in about the seventies? MM: Yes. UM: That was before the 1920s. MM: They started in the 1920s. UM: Maybe about 1925 or something like that. AB: And continued until about when? UM: Until about the seventies. MM: The seventies. AB: Was your association similar to the Box Elder Grower's Association? MM: This organization down here was a lot larger. UM: They would do the same things. AB: Would you mind telling me some of the things that they did? UM: They would buy in great big quantities so they could... 22 MM: Fertilizers. We bought most of our activities was for the farm so we bought fertilizers, gas. We'd go to the gas company and ask them what the best price would be and negotiate with them for gas. And fertilizers. Sprays. AB: You said it was mostly farming, but what about health insurance? MM: We didn't have that. AB: Did you ever have health insurance for your family? MM: We did but... UM: It was just regular like Beneficial Life. MM: Or Mutual of Omaha. AB: So, you just had to pay the high premiums? MM: Yes. I was president of that for a couple of years. AB: About what time period were you president? MM: In the fifties. UM: But you used to go to Nevada when they raised tomatoes. They would send to Nevada for the farmers out here to plant. MM: And we negotiated canning crop prices also. Canning crop and sugar beet. In conjunction with the Utah Farmer's Association, or Canning Crop Association. UM: And then they would help people that couldn't afford to, say, buy fertilizer at that time because it was in the spring. MM: We would loan them money. 23 UM: The farmers are short of money in the spring because, you know, all of their money comes in the fall, and they have to get through the winter. So, by the time they start over farming, they can't… a lot of them can't afford to buy fertilizer and other essential things they need to farm again. MM: So, we had something in order of a credit union. In the fall, we would pull our money together and from there, we would, like she was saying, we would loan it to people. It was similar to a credit union except on a small, local basis. AB: Just short-term loans? MM: Yes. Just short-term loans. Interest was the lowest we could get on it. AB: Okay, that is all new. I haven't heard any of this. Anything else on that? MM: There probably is, but I can't recall. (Laughing). AB: Did that just phase out as farmers started retiring and the pool got smaller? MM: Yes. It started with my parents, local Japanese around Weber County and Davis County. And then it carried over to us Nisei farmers. And then it stopped because there weren't very many farmers left. UM: The farmers got less and less. They didn't need that much help so... MM: No activity. AB: Did you ever get involved in the Buddhist Church as all? MM: No, we are Christians so... AB: So did you also have annual bazaars? MM: Yes. The Ogden Christian Japanese Church did have bazaars. 24 AB: And that was the church you belong to? MM: Yes. AB: Were their bazaars a big deal? UM: They were pretty big for their local church. There weren't as many members as the Buddhist Church, but at one time, it was quite a few members. And they did have bazaars, but it is getting so that the first generation—I don't think there's any right now. And the second generation. It is getting so that most of the people they join the Caucasian—you know the community. They don't go to, say, the Ogden Japanese Christian Church. They go the Mormon Church or other churches. AB: Is there still a little church up there? Are their numbers stable? UM: It is getting real small. MM: Well, it is small but the members are large but no one goes. UM: No, the members aren't that large either. AB: But it is getting smaller. Can I get into animosity or discrimination? Did you deal with any or do your children today deal with any? We know about the war situation. UM: During the war, that was pretty bad. AB: Can you give me a rundown on how things went after the war? MM: Since we lived in Utah, the only thing that they worried about was Hill Field... UM: That's because it was inland. The people who lived on the coast, they were all... MM: They were all evacuated. 25 UM: But we did have discrimination. Like, some places had no Maps Allowed,' and other places were... During the war, you couldn't go further than twelve mile from your home. MM: Without a permit. UM: But after the war and that, things got better and better. And we don't find that much discrimination any more. AB: So, through the decades of the fifties and sixties, people bought your produce, and things were fine? MM: Because of the 442nd, an all Japanese unit, every one of us, not everyone, but we were all in the service. AB: Where did you serve? MM: I stayed in the States. Fort Knox. But anyway, I was one of the lucky ones. UM: He didn't have to go overseas. AB: So, you think that helped? MM: That really helped. After that, discrimination just went... UM: There are a few that just, you know, I don't think they'll every change. MM: Well, the younger generation, they don't have discrimination. UM: Like our grandchildren and that, they don't—you know, discrimination isn't a problem. AB: This has been wonderful. I have received more information on the farming association than I have received from anybody. That is a big part of the project—to look at the farming organizations. Is there anything else that you can think of? 26 MM: Most of the farmers started in the railroad, then sharecropped, then rented for a while. Most of them were sugar beet and tomato farmers. AB: How were relations with the sugar companies? MM: Yea, it was alright. AB: Were there any problems? MM: No. In the early part, these sugar companies and the tomato industry, they would hire Japanese bosses. The boss would recruit the people. AB: Was that because of language barriers mostly? MM: Yes. Mostly. AB: That reminds me. Do you both speak fluent Japanese? UM: No. MM: Not fluently. But we do speak. AB: What about your children? UM: No. They don't hardly speak at all. AB: When you were working in the fields with your parents, what language was spoken? MM: Japanese. UM: Well, when we would talk to them, we talked Japanese. But when we talked to each other, it was English. MM: Broken English, (laughing). UM: So, we would mix it together a lot of times. 27 AB: Did either of your parents ever learn to speak English? MM: Not really. UM: Well, his dad kind of spoke a little better than average. But the female people, they didn't even try—the mothers and the women. MM: They didn't have reason to get into contact. AB: There was enough of a community? MM: See, during that time, they had Japanese schools that taught language. AB: Where did they do it here? I know that in Honeyville, it was in the church. MM: They had one in Syracuse. That's where we went. And they had one in Layton here. Right next to the sugar company. They had a Japanese camp, like I was telling you, and they had classes there. AB: And did that stop when the war started? MM: Yes. AB: And where did you go to school? UM: I went to the Sunset Japanese School. MM: They had schools all over? AB: So they were standard? MM: Yes. UM: We had a teacher that was a family... she was well-educated. So, she already had a family so they just... She took time and came to the Sunset—it used to be a church in 28 Sunset. The people got together in this small community—we bought a little building and had a school there. AB: Did they use the building for anything besides school? UM: No. That was it. AB: Was the teacher paid, or was she volunteer? UM: I can't remember, but I think she was paid. MM: Paid, but very little. UM: It was just for one—our school was just for one day or two half days. Sometimes it was one day, and sometimes it was two half days. Saturdays and Sundays, half a day. AB: Okay. MM: The school that I went to, the teacher was a black belt judo, so at nights he would teach us judo. So, we went to judo every week too. AB: Did the adults learn that too, or just the children? MM: The children, mostly children. AB: Is there a Japanese community still? Or is it more integrated? MM: More integrated. I think the Buddhist group is more close knit, more so than the Christians. UM: They had more people. MM: Yea. And the services are conducted mostly in Japanese. AB: The Buddhist one is? 29 MM: Yes. This new reverend they have now—he speaks good English. Well, he is a Sansei, so they perform in English. But up until now, it was all in Japanese. AB: So, the Buddhist Church has helped maintain the Japanese language. MM: Yes. UM: At the Christian Church, we have always had an English speaking minister. AB: I wanted to ask you. When you mentioned the truck farming down in Salt Lake, what year do you think you stopped doing that? UM: That market, what you call a market, closed up in the seventies. MM: Then they went to individual produce warehouses, so we couldn't go to the market anymore. That's why we transferred to selling it to the bigger companies, like Associated, Albertsons, Smiths. AB: So the marketing continued through the 1970s, and in the ‘60s... MM: Most of it went down to that fresh market. UM: We had a place called... what did they call that place where they had stalls and they would take it there? Instead of the buildings where we used to go to the wholesale places. They had this stall... MM: A stall with an open with a roof on top. UM: They would park the trucks on both sides, and people would walk in the middle. And when they found something they wanted, they would buy it. If they had a store or something, they would come over. MM: Everything was cash then. 30 AB: And that was the earlier part. MM: Yes. The later part was mostly the wholesale dealers. Albertsons, Smiths, Associated. And then there were a lot of other small wholesale houses. UM: In Ogden, what was the name of that place? MM: Pacific Fruit. UM: Pacific Fruit. And they had another one. MM: They tried to open a fresh market produce there in Ogden. UM: But everybody went to Salt Lake—it was bigger. AB: I think that is about it, unless you have anything else. Thank you so very much for your time. This has been so helpful. {End of tape} 31 WEBER STATE UNIVERSITY GARDENS OF PLENTY: JAPANESE FARMS OF NORTHERN UTAH SENIOR THESIS DR. GREG LEWIS, HISTORY DEPARTMENT ALLISON BEAN In 1906, seventeen year old Nakaemon Miyagishima and his friends left Japan for the United States aboard a British cargo ship. They landed first in Canada and made their way to Seattle where Nakaemon separated from his companions to join his brother in the sugar beet fields of Sugar City, Idaho. After only two weeks in Idaho, Nakaemon left for Ogden, Utah, and found work as a gang laborer for the Southern Pacific Railroad, receiving a $1.75 per day. Upon completion of the railroad, Nakaemon moved again, to Colorado, to farm and then eventually returned to settle in Utah. In 1910, he rented forty acres in Clearfield, Utah where he raised tomatoes and sugar beets. Soon after, he leased an additional fifty acres, expanded his business, and formed contracts with local canning companies. After establishing himself and obtaining financial security, relatives in Japan deemed Nakaemon worthy of marriage. In 1919, thirty-one year old Nakaemon met and married Seki Ichikawa, a young picture bride from Japan.1 Nakaemon and Seki Miyagishima's immigration experiences were not uncommon. The lure of fortunes in America's western frontier beckoned thousands of Japanese immigrants at the dawn of the twentieth century. Many eagerly accepted employment in Utah's agricultural community with the hope of earning abundant riches prior to returning to Japan with aid for their struggling families. The majority of Issei (first generation Japanese-Americans born in Japan) 2 remained in the United States, with many making Utah their permanent home. The timing for the new immigrants was ideal as numerous new sugar companies were in need of laborers to work the companyowned sugar beet fields. The industrious laborers eventually acquired sufficient funds to lease their own lands to cultivate sugar beets. Their contribution to the sugar industry 2 was significant. By 1915 one-eighth of Utah's sugar beet harvest was produced by the small number of Japanese fanners in the state.3 Once established, Issei farmers sent for picture brides from Japan and produced a new generation. Their Nisei children (second generation) worked alongside their parents in the fields of Utah where they developed a strong work ethic, cooperative skills, and learned productive agricultural techniques. Adult Nisei farmers later found success as they incorporated improved marketing strategies and built upon previously established farming associations. The agricultural, communal, and personal experiences of Nisei farmers in northern Utah are unique and worthy of examination. This project will focus on the efforts of Nisei farmers as they built robust agricultural businesses that not only offered necessary economic means for their families, but also supplied substantial amounts of produce for local canneries, factories, and fruit stands. Their industrious work habits generated respect within the Anglo community and served as a vehicle to mitigate inherent prejudices. As the Nisei farmers assimilated into western culture, close relationships continued within the Japanese community through farming, social, and religious organizations. Oral histories of Japanese farmers form the basis of this research and are supported by available scholarship, biographies, and newspapers articles. The personal histories of three generations of the Miyagishima (Miya) family, along with other Japanese farmers, provide essential agricultural details and also illustrate familial and cultural values. Although accounts from oral histories are subjective, these narratives 3 offer rich and personal insight into the lives of Nisei farmers and their families. My research will demonstrate that the resilient nature of Nisei farmers provided a lasting impact on northern Utah's agricultural environment. As the number of Japanese farmers rapidly diminishes, documentation of their farming practices, Japanese farming associations, religion, and social relationships is crucial. The histories of Nisei Japanese-American farmers provide a critical segment of northern Utah's agricultural heritage and cultural landscape. Many early Japanese immigrants came to Utah for work in the railroad and mining industries but ultimately changed to farming. In 1900, Utah had 417 Japanese immigrant farm laborers, but by 1910 this number had increased to 2,110. The numbers continued to grow to 2,936 in 1920 and 3,269 in 1930.4 Historian Eric Walz offers several reasons why a significant number of gang laborers left the mines and railroads for employment in agriculture. First, Japanese farmers were traditionally respected in Japan because they "fed the nation."5 Second, small Utah farms with rows of sugar beets resembled the paddy fields of Japan, offering familiar circumstances in hand-tool farming. Third, farming provided independence and increased security, and fourth, rural regions often exhibited less racial discrimination than more heavily populated areas.6 With no available capital to lease or purchase land, Issei farmers made contracts with landowners to exchange labor for wages. This provided immigrants with a means of supporting themselves as they prepared for a financially independent future in farming. Once sufficient capital was raised, immigrants transitioned to sharecropping, with landowners providing a segment of land in exchange for a portion of the productive 4 yield. Additional capital offered new opportunities for immigrants to begin leasing their own land. Land lease terms ranged from one to ten-year contracts, and payment arrangements varied from lump sum to installment payments. Owning land was the most desired option, but most Issei lacked sufficient capital to acquire their own land during the early decades of the twentieth century.7 By 1930, the Miyagishima family had six children as they continued to farm in Clearfield. Although their acreage increased through leased contracts, they were still unable to purchase land. Hopes of land ownership were extinguished at the onset of the Great Depression as the Utah farming industry was devastated due to a nationwide surplus of agricultural products.8 Prior to the Depression, sugar beets sold for eight dollars per ton, but because of excesses, prices plummeted to only two dollars per ton. Nisei farmers endured economic difficulties, yet their self-sufficient nature prevented them from going hungry. Gardens generated produce that was supplemented with milk from family cows and meat from pigs and chickens. Families commonly traded produce with one another to enhance their limited diets.9 While most Japanese families survived, the loss of income created disastrous outcomes for many. The Okada family, for example, had purchased sixty acres during the 1920s. Prior to the onset of the Depression, their entire crop of sugar beets had been destroyed from a blight of white flies. Before they could recover, plunging beet prices further devastated their economic position. Payments could not be made to the sugar company that owned the land, and the entire investment was lost.10 5 For Nisei children, their formative years were affected by the example of their parents. Frank Nishiguchi remembers how his parents demonstrated the importance of hard work, integrity, and compassion towards neighbors. Moreover, their concern and ambitious efforts earned them respect throughout their community, aiding in diffusing any lingering prejudices. Knowing that the Nishiguchi farm had some of the only work available during the Depression, Anglo workers would spread wagon loads of manure onto the Nishiguchi fields for payment of one dollar per load. Other work, such as washing celery, was intentionally created by the Nishiguchis to help those who needed cash. Frank recalls that he rarely went into town without someone putting their arm around him, explaining their devotion to his father by saying... If it wasn't for him we wouldn't know what the heck to do."11 Nisei children assumed a vital intermediary role as they labored on family farms and became educated in both the Japanese and English languages as well as American customs. They were often required as interpreters for their parents in negotiations for contracts and communications between Anglo neighbors. Nisei children attended public schools and formed associations with Anglo children. In addition, they attended Japanese schools held in Buddhist churches on Saturdays and Sundays to support the retention of the Japanese language and culture. The first Japanese school began in Salt Lake City in 1919, soon to be followed by a small school in Honeyville.12 The Miya (Miyagishima was changed to Miya in 1954 when Nakaemon and Seki became U. S. citizens) children initially attended a Japanese school in Syracuse and later transferred to a makeshift school situated next to the Layton Sugar Company. The school was formed to serve children living in a Japanese camp located 6 on site at the sugar factory. The teacher, an educated Issei woman, used the wages donated by the parents to supplement her family's minimal income. Traditional Japanese customs were taught in the school along with other curriculum. The Miya boys were trained in the art of Judo, while Gene Fukui participated in baseball and basketball leagues that competed against other Japanese schools in northern Utah.13 Japanese schools remained a central element of Nisei life for several decades. However, their doors closed permanently on December 7, 1941. Life for the Japanese within the United States changed abruptly with the bombing of Pearl Harbor. Prior to the war, the vibrant Japanese businesses and communities were respected within the Anglo neighborhoods, and Nisei children enjoyed close friendships with neighboring Anglo children. War hysteria robbed the Japanese of the life their labors had allowed them to enjoy for more than two decades. In opposition to the proclaimed tradition of "freedom for all," individuals of Japanese descent, whether American citizens or not, were denied their personal liberties with the signing of Executive Order 9066. The Order was signed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt on February 19, 1942, and authorized the Secretary of War to designate "military areas" as "protection against espionage and against sabotage" to ensure "successful prosecution of the war." Aimed only at individuals of Japanese descent, portions of Washington, Oregon, and California were declared "military areas," and more than one hundred thousand Japanese, whether American citizens or not, were subsequently ordered to evacuate the West Coast immediately.14 Most of the Japanese within Utah were neither interned nor imprisoned after the bombing of Pearl Harbor for several reasons. First, most Utah Japanese were well-liked by their Anglo neighbors and were not considered 7 threats. Secondly, the war efforts called for an increase in sugar production, and the Japanese farmers of northern Utah played an important role in generating sugar beets. Nonetheless, the effects of the proclamation filtered into every aspect of Japanese life and culture. June Nagao and her brothers did not hear news of the bombing until after they had arrived at school on the morning following the attacks. Upon arrival, they were asked to go home and not return. She recalls that the three mile trip home was across farm fields covered in deep snow. "I cried all the way home and my brothers too. It was terrible."15 Under the direction of the FBI, local law officials inspected the homes of every Japanese family in Utah. Sheriffs entered the Miya home and confiscated their guns, radios, and flashlights. Bank accounts were frozen, driving Japanese families to hide their money in quart jars in the fields behind their homes. Curfews were put into place that required those of Japanese descent to be in their homes by eight o'clock each night. Although much of the discrimination and violation of rights was instigated by the government, there were isolated incidences of hate aimed at Japanese farmers by their Anglo neighbors. For example, shots were fired at a home in Tremonton, "four-letter words" were painted on barns, and many establishments placed "No Japs Allowed" signs in their windows. Fears and tensions within the Anglo population escalated as thousands of Japanese people fled the West Coast and joined friends and family in Utah. The influx led to an increase in restrictions against all Japanese individuals. For example, law enforcement officers told the Nagaos and their neighbors that all Japanese artifacts must be destroyed or they would be confiscated. In an effort to distinguish themselves from the Japanese enemy, the families destroyed kimonos, 8 kendo outfits, flags, family heirlooms, and cherished personal items from Japan at a large bonfire gathering. June Nagao remembers they "had to get rid of... some special keepsakes ... because we wanted to be American and be accepted."16 Discrimination associated with World War II had significant impact in agricultural conditions as well. Nakaemon Miya's family had acquired approximately two hundred acres of leased land by the onset of the war. The Miya children contributed extensively to the farming business, helping them to produce enough crops to accumulate sufficient savings to finally purchase their own land. A bid was placed and accepted on sixty acres in Clearfield, and financing had been approved by Beneficial Life Company. However, just prior to closing on the transaction, Pearl Harbor was attacked. Although the land owner expressed his desire to move forward with the transaction, Beneficial Life withdrew their financing. Subsequently, the Miya family was not able to purchase land until 1948.17 The Miya's situation was not isolated. Anglo farmers throughout northern Utah were concerned that available farm land would be sold to the Japanese who were fleeing the West Coast. The Corrine Farm Bureau called a meeting in March of 1942 to implement programs designed to prohibit land sales to people of Japanese descent. The Box Elder News-Journal later reported that local farmers had "pioneered this valley" and the land should be held for "their boys when they returned from the war fronts." The results were a moratorium in Corrine on land transactions involving Japanese individuals.18 Similar incidences were common throughout Utah. The Utah Legislature supported discrimination by restricting land sales to Japanese individuals with the Anti-Alien Land Law that went into effect in March of 1943. The law remained in effect through 1947.19 9 Labor shortages and a high demand for food stuffs during World War II brought increased prosperity to Nisei farmers who already had leased or purchased property. Federal and state governments requested that all productive farm land be utilized to produce maximum yields. Japanese farmers in northern Utah responded to the call by increasing their production. The U.S. Department of the Interior wrote in a 1947 statement that the efforts of Japanese people had "definitely" contributed to the "economic well-being" of their communities. "Without the Japanese farm labor the area would have been hard put for manpower to carry out the agricultural demands placed upon it... the Caucasians recognized this, and still do for that matter."20 Farmers received additional labor from a release program instituted by the state government to buffer the effects of agricultural labor shortages. Farmers were unable to hire seasonal help to maintain and harvest increased crop production. As a result, some Japanese individuals were allowed "leave" from the Topaz Internment Camp near Delta to serve as farm laborers. More than 3,000 interned Japanese laborers participated in the program, significantly increasing food production as well as providing individuals with the opportunity to leave the camp.21 An article entitled, "The Japs, Whose Cousins Caused It All, Seen As Cure To Box Elder's Labor Ills" appeared in the Box Elder NewsJournal on August 21, 1942. It was written that the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company (U&I) had made appeals to the War Relocation Authority requesting seasonal help from internees at Topaz for beet thinning. U&l agreed to pay wages to the interned laborers in addition to transportation and housing costs. The newspaper reported that additional labor would enhance the production of Box Elder County crops and would "help win the 10 war." It added that "with fatal irony, or perhaps poetic justice, it is likely that a race of small, brown-skinned men and women which brought ill may provide the cure."22 Throughout the war, Nisei farms continued to be a cooperative familial production even as most eligible Nisei sons either enlisted or were drafted into the military. Min and Hideo Miya, the two oldest of the Miya sons, both served in the military during the war. Upon their return, they rejoined their parents, sister Chieko and her husband, and two brothers in the family farming business. Japanese custom required that the oldest son and his wife live with the husband's parents to care for them and the family business. Accordingly, when Min married Ume Shiba, they honored this custom by residing within the Miya household.23 In 1947, the anti-alien law was repealed, and the Miya’s acquired their own land in Clinton. The purchase of the new acreage, combined with the leased land in Clearfield, "became the foundation for the Miya farms." The entire Miya family remained together until 1957 when another farm was purchased in south Clearfield. Nakaemon, Seki, and several of their children relocated to the new farm while Min, his wife Ume and their four children, along with several of Min's siblings, stayed on the farm in Clinton. The Miya family continued to work as a partnership and took pride in caring for the farm with little hired help. All members of the Miya household, even the elderly Seki, labored long hours in the hundreds of acres of sugar beets and tomatoes.24 Life was especially hard for the women. They assisted in farm labor by weeding, hoeing, topping beets, picking tomatoes, and supervising the children during daylight hours. During the evening, women cooked, laundered clothing, and performed other domestic 11 necessities.25 Children were required to complete demanding tasks in the fields of rowcrops by weeding, thinning, fertilizing, and harvesting, in addition to caring for the animals. Gene Fukui worked on his father's beet farm in Tremonton. He awoke at four o'clock in the morning, milked a dozen cows, fed and harnessed the horses, and prepared himself for school. After school, he worked in the beet fields, hoeing and thinning the beets.26 Education was stressed even as Japanese children were expected to labor in the family fields. Issei and Nisei parents understood that education would bring their children opportunities, and therefore, were committed to keeping their children in school. Most Japanese children performed well in school due to family honor and the high expectations of their parents.27 Parents also understood that attending public schools provided opportunities for building relationships outside of the Japanese community. Anglo friendships offered social connections to Nisei children that aided them throughout their childhood and adult years. During World War II, Frank Nishiguchi's family was accused of "aiding the enemy" because they assisted thirty Japanese families that had fled the West Coast. Children from neighboring farms threatened to "beat up on him ," but Frank had Anglo friends who defended him. One large and solidly built friend declared that his ancestors were "from Germany and Franks were from Japan." He then hollered, "If you guys think you can take us, come on." The threats never happened again! 28 Japanese earned the reputation of being exceptional farmers through wellmaintained farms and high-quality produce. Some Nisei farmers found success with 12 new agricultural techniques. Frank Nishiguchi's father, George, won acclaim through his improved method of raising celery. Bleached celery was popular among consumers but was traditionally very labor intensive to produce. George's improved bleaching technique involved planting the celery in wide-spaced rows and then packing soil around each plant to block the sunlight. Later, tubes made out of newspapers were strategically placed over each celery plant for the same effect. This technique created sweet, bleached celery with an especially large and meaty stalk. Nishiguchi's celery, also known as Jumbo or Sweetheart celery, became popular throughout the western United States.29 Other Japanese growers in Utah also produced improved fruits and vegetables, such as the Kasagu family's Twentieth-Century Strawberries.30 One of the most important aspects of productive farming is marketing. Throughout the careers of Nisei farmers, there were significant changes in the methods of selling produce. During the 1920s through the 1970s, truck farming operations were utilized by many Japanese farmers in Box Elder, Davis, and Weber counties. According to historian Eric Walz, truck farming was conducive to Japanese agricultural conditions, "fill ing an economic niche."31 Strawberries, celery, tomatoes, beans, cucumbers, onions, potatoes, and beets were grown in small farms and then sold to local markets, dealers, or along roadsides.32 Yukiyoshi Inouye, the son of a Bountiful truck farmer, remembers that he awoke at four o'clock each morning to help his family pick strawberries and then hauled the produce to the Growers' Market in Salt Lake City. During a time when most of the farmers still used horses and wagons, Yukiyoshi drove the berries into town in his father's Model A pickup, and did so without a driver's license.33 13 The Miya family trucked their tomatoes to an open market in Salt Lake City during the 1950s through the early 1960s. Fifty acres of early tomatoes were planted each April and covered with white caps to protect them from frost. Once the tomatoes were ready to harvest, they were picked by hand, packed into boxes, and loaded onto trucks for delivery. The markets had two long platforms that were covered with a roof and contained numerous concrete stalls that were rented on a daily basis. The flatbed truck, typically driven by Min, was backed into a stall until it rested against a raised walkway. Individual buyers examined the produce and made purchases directly from each farmer. During this time period, market sales provided most of the Miya family's income.34 The dynamics of the Salt Lake produce markets transformed through the 1950s and 1970s. During the 1950s and early 1960s, the Miya’s continued to sell tomatoes to individuals at the Salt Lake markets. However, by the mid-1960s, they sold the majority of their produce to local brokers. Serving as middle men, the brokers purchased the produce from the farmers and then resold it to local grocery stores. As this process developed further, corporations, such as Associated Produce, assumed the brokerage role. While open markets continued in Salt Lake City, Ogden tried to establish a produce market called Pacific Fruit, but it did not receive enough support from local shoppers to stay open.35 During the 1960s, the number of canning companies increased throughout northern Utah. Del Monte, Heinz, Sterling Nelson, Pierce and other canneries signed contracts with local farmers to buy their tomatoes. Farmers acquired additional acreage 14 to meet the new demand. As the Miya's business grew to over three hundred acres, the family was still able to maintain the farm, except during the harvest season when extra laborers were needed. Three or four workers were hired to help the family pick, box, and deliver four loads each day to the canneries. Min recalls labor shortages in Davis and Weber Counties during the tomato and beet harvests, requiring him to hire day labor from unemployed men on 25th Street in Ogden.36 Nisei farmers in Box Elder County did not truck their crops to Salt Lake City, but rather marketed their crops to local canneries, sugar factories located in Garland or Brigham City, or in roadside stands. Row-crop farmers sold to Smith Canning Company, Del Monte, and Perry Cannery by harvesting their crops and delivering them to the local canneries. Other farmers, like the Sumida brothers, operated fruit stands along Highway 89 just south of Brigham City. Motohara Sumida, a full-time farmer, and his brother Paul, a junior high school mathematics teacher, purchased adjacent fruit orchards along the east bench in Perry during the late 1950s. Motohara's farm grew many varieties of produce, including fruits, squashes, celery, onions, and sweet corn, while Paul focused on orchard fruits. Homes and fruit stands were built on their respective properties, with each family operating their own stand. They did, however, assist one another on Sundays, special events, or times of need. Motohara's fruit stand, called Sumida's, is still in business today on Highway 89 in Perry.37 Sugar beets, as well as tomatoes, were vital to the agricultural economy of northern Utah. The Utah Sugar Company, later known as the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company (U&I), was established in 1889 in Bear River Valley. Sugar beets soon 15 became an essential segment of Box Elder County's agricultural economy. Issei and Nisei farmers played a crucial role in filling the sugar company's demand for beets. Sugar beets were the Okada brothers' major crop during the decades of the 1950s through the 1970s even though sugar beet production was particularly difficult for laborers. Short hoes bent the backs of workers as they swung knifed hooks, pulled the beets out of the ground, cut the tops off, and set the beets in rows to be picked up later.38 During the 1940s and 1950s, tractors aided the process, but specialized equipment such as beet toppers did not become available until the 1960s.39 Relying strictly on sugar beets, farmers invested heavily in specialized sugar beet equipment to enable them to produce more beets to meet the demands of the sugar companies. The majority of northern Utah's sugar beets were sold to the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company's plant in Garland. Established in 1903, the Garland factory produced approximately 80 percent of the one-hundred million pounds of sugar consumed annually along the Wasatch Front. It is estimated that three billion pounds of pure sugar were produced by the Garland sugar factory.40 The sugar industry became central to northern Utah's agricultural economy, and Nisei farmers supplied substantial amounts of the necessary sugar beets. In addition to aiding the surrounding community, sugar beets provided Japanese farmers with the opportunity to build dynamic agricultural businesses that provided for the economic needs of their families. Jim Tazoi noted the significance of sugar beet production in northern Utah when he claimed that "the sugar beet crop has probably paid more mortgages than any single crop in this whole valley."41 16 The demand for sugar beets came to a sudden halt when the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company closed its Garland plant in February of 1979. To protect their livelihoods, Nisei and Anglo farmers formed alliances in efforts to buy the facilities from U&I. The purchasing terms required local farmers to pay yearly installments to the corporation. The farmers, however, could not afford the asking price. Negotiations to purchase the Garland plant ceased, Utah-Idaho Corporation left its Utah facilities empty, and many farmers were left to start over.42 The Okada brothers had invested eighty thousand dollars into specialized sugar beet equipment in 1976. Three years later, after the Garland factory closed, their equipment was no longer needed, and their large investment was lost. In spite of the economic setback, most Niseis made the necessary adjustments to continue farming. During the late 1970s, the Miya family foresaw the dismal future of the sugar company and began to diversify their crops by growing onions and potatoes in addition to sugar beets and tomatoes. They also converted some of their acreage to raise livestock, requiring hay and grains to be grown as well. The Miyas, Okadas, and many other Niseis, demonstrated their resiliency by continuing to farm, despite the deteriorating conditions. A small number, though, chose to retire and either sold their land to developers or rented it to those still farming.43 Recognizing that economic difficulties were common within the farming industry, farm bureaus were organized by Issei farmers during the 1920s.44 The associations, patterned after those found in Japan, were structured to create new markets and to support Japanese agricultural efforts.45 The Nisei farmers built on these organizations, which played a major role in bringing Japanese farmers together. Open to all Japanese farmers, the organizations provided collective strength that better enabled them to 17 establish and maintain successful businesses. As large and organized groups, Nisei farmers had greater negotiating power enabling them to purchase fertilizers, gas, and herbicidal sprays at discounted rates. Farm bureaus also provided representatives who traveled to Nevada to negotiate the price of tomato plants, canning crops, and sugar beets. Farmers identified their needs which were then combined with those of other local farmers. Japanese farm bureaus varied from county to county. For example, the Davis County Japanese Farmers' Organization combined farmers from both Davis and Weber counties, with a membership ranging between fifty to seventy-five farmers. The Northern Box Elder Growers' Association was smaller with only about fifteen members. No matter the size, all maintained the objective of supporting the needs of Japanese farmers. The Box Elder bureau purchased bulk canned goods from California that were then delivered by truck to its members. The cooperative efforts expanded into other business aspects by providing group rates for health insurance during the 1970s.46 Min Miya, who was president of the Davis County bureau during the 1950s, cites his organization's most notable achievement was to provide financial aid to Japanese farmers through the issuance of short-term loans. Due to the high costs of farming, many Nisei farmers did not have sufficient funds to plant and fertilize their crops in the spring. In such instances, the farm bureaus assumed the role of credit unions and loaned money to Japanese farmers at the lowest interest rates possible. The loans would then be repaid after the fall harvest. The farm bureaus received the necessary funds as the farmers "pooled" their money in order to help one another. The farm 18 bureau’s held bazaars, raffles, and picnics to provide additional funds to the loan program.47 Nisei farmers also belonged to other associations that established them within the farming community. Memberships in the Utah Farm Bureau, the largest collective body of farmers in the state, were common. The abilities of Nisei farmers were recognized as they were placed in leadership positions within regional and state organizations. Jim Tazoi, for example, was on the state agricultural committee during the 1970s. Frank Nishiguchi served as a member of the board and then president of the Box Elder County Farm Bureau during the 1950s and 1960s. In 1978, he was elected president of the Utah Farm Bureau, a position he held for nine years.48 In January 1983, Frank was honored in Texas as he accepted an award for the best state farm bureau in the nation. The Utah Farm Bureau News recognized Frank's contribution to the organization by calling the recognition a logical journey and a fitting destination ... for a man whose adult life has been devoted to the service of others."49 In 1985, Frank was appointed by the governor as chairman of the State Agricultural Advisory Board, a resource group designed to advise the Commissioner of Agriculture. In addition to agricultural and financial aspects, Japanese farming organizations sponsored picnics and other social activities that further connected the Japanese community. The Japanese Growers Association in Box Elder County held annual picnics each August at Crystal Springs Resort in Honeyville. Farmers and their families throughout the county gathered to strengthen personal and farming relationships.50 Dinner groups were organized to further maintain close connections within Japanese 19 farming communities. The Clearfield Farmers Club consisted of Nisei farmers and their wives in the Clearfield area, including the Miya brothers. Couples took turns hosting dinners in their homes as they developed more intimate friendships. The dinners soon developed into annual trips to Wendover, Nevada, for several days of buffets, gambling, and relaxation.51 The Davis County Japanese Farmers' Organization was one of many who sponsored annual picnics at Lagoon and then later at Davis High School in Kaysville. The central location was chosen to facilitate Japanese people from all over Utah, as well as southern Idaho and western Wyoming, to attend the event. The main attractions of the picnics were the foot races. Different age groups, ranging from small children to adults, participated in both running and relay races. Crackerjacks, popsicles, and small toys served as prizes for the winners. Large groups also gathered in the center of the field to play games of tug-of-war. At noon, families and friends gathered to eat sushi, teriyaki, tempura, and other Japanese cuisine.52 The picnic required extensive planning by both Issei and Nisei men and women. Support from the larger community was also utilized as canneries, local stores, and businesses donated items that were auctioned in raffles.53 The picnics played a significant role in bringing social unity to the Japanese population throughout the entire state. These activities were well-attended and provided a chance to "look over the potential marriage pool."54 This proved to be true for Frank Nishiguchi who met his wife at a picnic in 1953. Lasting friendships were made as both young and old played, ate, and reminisced at each annual event. Junior Yagi recalls the sense of community he received from the picnics. He believes that "there wasn't a 20 Japanese family in the state we didn't know." The names of old acquaintances are still very familiar, even "after all of these years."55 The community of Nisei farmers was further unified by other social events. Athletic sports became extremely popular among Nisei farmers after the end of World War II. A Japanese athletic club was formed in 1946 to accommodate the needs of teenagers aged fifteen and over. The club sponsored events such as roller skating, bazaars, and dances.56 While the athletic club did not survive, other athletic events gathered momentum. Perhaps the most popular of these was Nisei baseball. Organized baseball leagues had been a tradition since the early 1930s but dwindled during World War II. Interest in them was renewed again during the late 1940s, and eventually, eight to ten teams were organized throughout northern Utah communities.57 The first team was Yamato; the name was soon changed to the Box Elder Niseis. The Miya brothers joined a team of Nisei veterans named the Veterans Club. They originally played teams from Ogden, Corrine and Syracuse, but as baseball became more popular they competed against teams scattered along the Wasatch Front. The teams traveled in carpools to Salt Lake City, the Logan area, and Malad, Idaho. During the baseball season, each community transformed a cow pasture into a baseball field. The games were held on Sunday afternoons and served as family and community entertainment. Fans packed lunches and had picnics while enjoying an afternoon of baseball.58 Tournaments were organized and the season closed with a Nisei baseball championship. Additional tournaments were occasionally held against teams from Colorado and California.59 The sports section of local newspapers covered the Nisei baseball games, increasing their popularity. Anglo families began attending the events, 21 bringing the two communities together. Their support was demonstrated in monetary forms as well. Brigham City businesses recognized the local Honeyville Japanese baseball team with trophies and other awards after they placed third in a western states competition in 1952.60 Bowling and basketball were popular during the winter months among the Nisei generation. Bowling leagues were formed not only among Nisei farmers but also for their wives and children. Basketball teams traveled throughout northern Utah to compete against other Nisei teams. In 1950, Gene Fukui played on a team that traveled to Idaho Falls for a tournament game, and although not "much of a basketball player," Gene captured the attention of a young Japanese woman. The two corresponded for two years after which the parents, honoring Japanese tradition, entered into negotiations regarding marriage between the young adults. Once mutual consent was obtained, they married in the Buddhist Church in Ogden.61 Religion, more than any other cultural or social aspect, was central in the lives of Japanese families. Early immigrants maintained religious traditions brought from Japan to preserve their beliefs and heritage. Church services were conducted in Japanese until the 1950s when Nisei children began to assume religious leadership responsibilities. Buddhism was the most commonly practiced religion by Issei immigrants. The first Buddhist "gathering place" in northern Utah was established in Honeyville in 1912. Buddhists gathered to meet when priests62 from Salt Lake traveled once a month to officiate in services. In 1931, members donated four thousand dollars, then a substantial amount of money, to purchase a building in Honeyville from the Utah- 22 Idaho Sugar Company. The two-story brick building and its five acres of land were renovated to serve as both a religious edifice and a Japanese school for the Nisei children. The school stayed open until the beginning of World War II when all Japanese schools were discontinued.63 The building was then renovated into apartments to house Japanese families forced to flee the West Coast.64 After the war, the Honeyville Buddhist Church continued to serve the communities of Honeyville, Brigham City, Garland, and Tremonton. Attendance was high among the elderly Issei and their adult Nisei children. In 1961, an addition was added onto the chapel to accommodate the large membership. In 1970, the Honeyville Buddhist Church joined with the Ogden Buddhist Church to create the Buddhist Temple of Utah-Idaho. The Honeyville Church became independent on April 1, 1970. Other Buddhist churches were established throughout northern Utah. The Buddhist Church of Ogden was established in 1926; the first building was purchased in 1936 on Lincoln Avenue. Due to increasing membership, a larger building was purchased on North Street in 1964.65 The Corrine Buddhist Church was built in 1944 when members contributed their time to dig the footings, haul cement, and construct the walls on donated land for their new meeting house.66 The Buddhist churches received funding through donations made by each family and also through fundraising efforts. The most common form of fundraising was bazaars. Women assumed the majority of the responsibility as they spent days preparing and cooking the Japanese cuisine. Countless hours of work were put into making quilts, art work, and baked goods to be sold at auctions and raffles. Word of 23 mouth was the best form of advertising for the bazaars— people of all races came from around the region to enjoy the authentic food and to participate in bingo games for the adults and fishing ponds for the children. Yearly bazaars dating back to the 1930s are still the most popular form of fundraising.67 Although Buddhism was the predominate religion of early Issei farmers, some families converted to Christianity. The Miya family joined the Ogden Japanese Christian Church in 1932. This congregation's first building was purchased in 1927 for seven thousand dollars. The members held bazaars from 1931 through 1991 to supplement membership donations. Like the Buddhist bazaars, these events were very successful and well-attended.68 Memberships in both the Honeyville Buddhist and Japanese Christian churches have diminished along with the aging Nisei generation. Third-generation Japanese have assimilated into all aspects of western culture, even its religions. Min and Ume Miya view this change as natural and suggest that their children are more a part of the community after "joining the Caucasian."69 With the exception of the Ogden Buddhist Church, the bazaars no longer exist; the Honeyville church held their last bazaar in 1992. In the mid-1980s, the Honeyville church lost its independent status due to its declining membership (currently about fifty people). A priest now travels from Salt Lake City eight times per year to hold services.70 The era of Nisei farmers in northern Utah is coming to a close. What was once a strong and vibrant community is now only a small number of individual farming businesses. Most third-generation children were not encouraged to pursue farming 24 because it "is too hard of a life." Yukio Miya's son, Renie, is a rare exception as he continues to farm the family's land in Clearfield. Renie is committed to a successful career even though he recognizes that most small- scale farms are no longer profitable. Wholesale costs have remained stable for twenty years, yet equipment and land prices continue to escalate. Urban sprawl further hampers farmers as developers purchase land previously leased to Nisei farmers.71 Aware of the increasing difficulties in farming, Niseis stressed the value of education and made financial sacrifices for their children's college education. They were rewarded as a vast majority of third-generation Japanese received bachelor degrees and many continued through graduate programs. As Min Miya reflects upon his life in the "Miya farms," he believes farming was beneficial given that they "sent all of their kids through college ... we worked really hard to do that... it had to be a little profitable to do that."72 The Miya family is representative of the Japanese heritage in farming. Personal histories obtained from three generations of Miya farmers characterize the unique story of twentieth- century Japanese agriculture in northern Utah. Early immigrants came to America in hopes of earning fortunes prior to returning to Japan. Many never returned but remained in northern Utah. The Issei commitment to retain their heritage is evident in the establishment of Japanese religion, customs, and agricultural practices. Japanese-style associations were created to offer communal strength within the agricultural industry. Farm bureaus provided increased purchasing power and financing options but also served Japanese communities through sponsored social activities, 25 such as picnics and outings. Farm bureau members organized local dinner groups that aided in the development of more intimate friendships among Japanese farmers. Many of these relationships continue still today. Traditional Japanese customs were sustained through religious services and social events. The Japanese language was spoken in early church services and Buddhist schools. Annual bazaars helped to financially sustain the churches as well as connect the Japanese and Anglo communities. Communal solidarity was also achieved as Nisei social activities, especially baseball games, were enjoyed by the Japanese and the surrounding populations. World War II drastically changed the existence of Japanese farmers. Sons willingly entered into military service, displaying honor and valor, as their parents suffered injustices at home. Local and federal officials confiscated personal items and coerced families to assimilate into western culture, resulting in the loss of treasured Japanese customs and heirlooms. The war, however, gave Japanese farmers an opportunity to display their value. Despite their small size, Japanese farmers were essential in meeting the high demand for increased food production during World War II. For more than eight decades, the cumulative effects of their cooperation and industrious work habits resulted in successful family businesses, supplied demands for produce, and alleviated discrimination. Despite their assimilation, the effects of the Nisei legacy are still evident today. Sumida's, the produce stand owned by Motahara Sumida, continues with a thriving business along Utah's "Fruitway" on Highway 89 between Ogden and Brigham City. His 26 brother's fruit stand is abandoned today, but its vibrant past is preserved in a photograph prominently displayed in Brigham City's town hall. Yukio and Renie Miya own a produce stand in Clearfield and also supply three "Fruitway" stands. The agricultural developments of improved varieties of celery and strawberries, introduced by Japanese farmers, can still be found in local markets. The once thriving Honeyville Buddhist church still operates, and the Ogden Buddhist Church holds annual bazaars each fall. Most Nisei descendants still reside in northern Utah, and although few farm today, they continue the tradition of family honor by contributing to the economic, religious, and social climate of their communities. Indeed, the Nisei legacy is manifested in northern Utah's rich agricultural heritage and cultural landscape. 27 __________________ 1 Nakaemon Miya, Personal history (1970), Ed. Paul Kato, Utah Historical Society, 2000, (Photocopy provided by Mrs. Yukio Miya); Seki Miya, Interview by Paul Kato, 20 March 1976, Syracuse, Utah. (Photocopy provided by Mrs. Yukio Miya). 2 John H.Yang, ed., Asian Americans in Utah: A Living History, (Salt Lake City: State of Utah Office of Asian Affairs, 1999), 126-127. Issei literally means "one or first generation." This term is used to refer to first generation immigrants who were born in Japan. Nisei means "two or second generation," and is used when referring to the children of Issei. Sansei means "third generation," however, this term is not commonly used. 3 R. Todd Welker, "Sweet Dreams in Sugar Land: Japanese Farmers, Mexican Farm Workers, and Northern Utah Beet Production," (Master thesis, Utah State University, 2002), 10 quoting Frederick M. Huchel, The History of Box Elder County, (Salt Lake City: Utah Historical Society, 1999). 4 Yamato Ichihashi, Japanese in the United States, (New York: Arno Press and The New York Times, 1969), 170-171. 5 Kelen, Leslie G. and Eileen Hallet Stone. Missing Stories: An Oral History of Ethnic and Minority Groups in Utah, (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1996), 313. 6 Eric Walz, "Japanese Immigration and Community Building in the Interior West, 1882-1945," (Ph.D. diss., Boise State University, 1998), 96. Dr. Walz obtained this 28 information from the Japanese in the Intermountain Area, (Salt Lake City: Rocky Mountain Times, 1925), 151.the Rocky Mountain Time. 7 Ted Nagata ed., Japanese Americans in Utah, (Salt Lake City: Printers, Inc., 1996), 79. 8 Eric Walz, "Japanese Immigration and Community Building in the Interior West, 1882-1945," 136. 9 B. Toru Okada, Interview by Sandra Fuller and Leslie Kelen, 18 August 1984, Special Collections, University of Utah Marriott Library, Accession no. 1209, Salt Lake City, Utah; Gene Fukui, Interview by R. Todd Welker, 23 January 2002. Corrine, Utah, Audio, (Tapes in R. Todd Welker's possession). 10 B. Toru Okada Interview. 11 Frank Nishiguchi, Interview by R. Todd Welker, 6 January 2002, Riverside, Utah, Audio, (Tapes in R. Todd Welker's possession). 12 Helen Z. Papanikolas and Alice Kasai, "Japanese Life in Utah." In The Peoples of Utah, Helen Z. Papanikolas, ed. Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976, 350, 351. 13 Min Miya, Interview by author, 14 October 2004, Layton, Utah, Audio, (Tapes in author's possession); Gene Fukui, Interview by Sandra Fuller and Leslie Kelen. 14 Executive Order 9066: Japanese Relocation Order, by Franklin D. Roosevelt, President of the United States, (Washington, D.C: 1942), 2. 29 15 Tomo Nagao, Interview by author, 11 October 2004, Honeyville, Utah, Audio, (Tapes in author's possession). 16 Min Miya; Junior Yagi, Interview by R. Todd Welker, 15 December 2001, Corinne, Utah, Audio, (Tape in R. Todd Welker's possession). 17 Min Miya. 18 "Farm Group To Oppose Any Jap Land Deal: Corrine Farm Bureau Against Sale of Land to Jap Evacuees," Box Elder News-Journal, Brigham City, Utah, 27 March 1942. Also see Huchel, 277, and Welker, 20. 19 John H. Yang, Ed, Asian Americans in Utah: A Living History, Salt Lake City: State of Utah Office of Asian Affairs, 1999, 134; Elmer R. Smith, "The Japanese in Utah (Part II)," Utah Humanities Review 2 (July 1948): 208-230:215. 20 Elmer R. Smith, "The Japanese in Utah (Part II), 212 quoting People in Motion (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior, 1947), p.77. 21 Ibid. 212-213; Sandra C. Taylor, "Leaving the Concentration Camps: Japanese American Resettlement in Utah and the Intermountain West/' Pacific Historical Review 60 (May 1991): 169-194: 171, 174-175. 22 "The Japs, Whose Cousins Caused It All, Seen As Cure To Box Elder's Labor Ills," Box Elder News- Journal, 21 August 1942. 23 Min Miya. 24 Nakaemon Miya; Min Miya. 25 Nagata, 76. 30 27 Gene Fukui, Interview by Sandra Fuller and Leslie Kelen, 18 August 1984, Special Collections, University of Utah Marriott Library, Accession no. 1209, Salt Lake City, Utah, 2:24-2:25. 28 Yang, 132. 29 Frank Nishiguchi, Interview by R. Todd Welker; Frank Nishiguchi, Telephone Interview by author. 30 Huchel, 320-321; Frank Nishiguchi, Interview by R. Todd Welker. 31 Nagata, 79. 32 Eric Walz, "From Kumamoto to Idaho: The Influence of Japanese Immigrants on the Agricultural Development of the Interior West," 411. 33 Norkia Yakasaki, "Ethnic Cooperativism and Immigrant Agriculture: A Study of Japanese Floriculture and Truck Farming in California," (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1982), 190. 34 Kelen and Stone, 337. 35 Min Miya; Yukoi Miya, Interview by author, 19 October 2004, Clearfield, Utah, Audio, (Tapes in author's possession). 36 Min Miya. 37 Ibid. 31 38 Atsushi Sayama, Interview by author, 15 October 2004, Brigham City, Utah, Audio, (Tape in author's possession); Paul Sumida, Interview by author, 11 October 2004, Perry, Utah, Audio, (Tape in author's possession). 39 Junior Yagi, Interviewed by R. Todd Welker, 15 December 2001, Corinne, Utah, Audio, (Tape in R. Todd Welker's possession). 40 Yukio Miya. 41 Beet Growers to Meet, Discuss Course of Action, Box Elder News-Journal, 21 December 1978; "Sugar Plant at Garland Close Today," Box Elder News-Journal, 22 February 1979; "Hope U&I Will Change Mind," Growers Chief Says," Box Elder NewsJournal, 23 November 1978; "Beet Growers Seek to Keep Plant Open," Box Elder News-Journal, 14 December 1978; "Hope Is Fading for Sugar Plant," Box Elder NewsJournal, 15 February 1979. 42 Jim Tazoi, Interviewed by R. Todd Welker, 6 January 2002, Garland, Utah, Audio, (Tape in R. Todd Welker's possession). 43 Gene Fukui, Interview by R. Todd Welker, 23 January 2002, Corrine, Utah, Audio, (Tapes in R. Todd Welker's possession). 44 Min Miya; Yukio Miya; Gene Fukui, interview by R. Todd Welker; Atsutsi Sayama. 45 Eric Walz, "From Kumamoto to Idaho: The Influence of Japanese Immigrants on the Agricultural Development of the Interior West," 414. 32 46 Eric Walz, "Japanese Immigration and Community Building in the Interior West, 1882-1945," Ph.D. diss., Boise State University, 1998, 124-125. 47 Tomo Nagao. 48 Min Miya. 49 Jim Tazoi; Frank Nishiguchi, Interview by R. Todd Welker. 50 "Frank Nishiguchi: The Long Road to Number 1," Utah Farm Bureau News, Volume 29:2, February 1983. 51 Atsutsi Sayama 52 Yukio Miya; Frank Nishiguchi, Interview by R. Todd Welker. 53 Nagata, 108. 54 Yukio Min. 55 Yang, 132. 56 Frank Nishiguchi, Interview by R. Todd Welker; Junior Yagi. 57 Ibid., n.p. 58 Min Miya, (Telephone interview by author on December I, 2004). 59 Dan Tanaka. References to the tournament games in Colorado and California were obtained from Yukio Miya and Ted Nagata's book, 120. 60 Ted Nagata, 120. 61 "Local Japanese Baseball," Box Elder News-Journal, 1 August 1952. 33 62 Gene Fukui, Interview by R. Todd Welker. 63 Current scholarship refers to ministers within the Buddhist faith as "ministers," however, the term "reverend" was consistently used by church members during the interviews. Sociologist Dr. Robert Reynolds explained to the author that the term "priests" is the correct term. 64 Huchel, 173. The "gathering place" quote is from Eric Walz, "Japanese Immigration and Community Building in the Interior West, 1882-1945," 147 quoting a letter written to him from Kim Aoki, 14 February 1996. 65 Atsutsi Sayama; Gene Fukui, Interview by Sandra Fuller and Leslie Kelen, 13. 66 Nagata, 90-91. 67 Huchel, 175-176; Atsutsi Sayama and his wife Shirley explained the need for the 1961 remodeling of the Honeyville chapel. 68 Gene Fukui, Interview by R. Todd Welker; Gene Fukui, Interview by Sandra Fuller and Leslie Kelen, 27- 28; Atsutsi Sayama; Tomo Nagao. 69 Nagata, 97-99; Min Miya. 70 Min Miya. 71 Atsutsi Sayama; Tomo Nagao. 72 Yukio Miya; Renie Miya. 73 Min Miya. 34 ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Box Elder News-Journal. Brigham City, Utah. 1942, 1943, 1944, 1952, 1978, and 1979. The Box Elder News-Journal is a small newspaper that is published bi-weekly. It is based in Brigham City and has been in operation since the late 1880s. Because an index is not available, the research process has been extremely tedious. I have, however, located some articles, from 1942-1944 regarding proposed legislation, Japanese farmers, and immigrant workers during World War II. I also obtained articles regarding Nisei baseball and the closure of the U&I Sugar Factory in Garland in 1979. Deseret News. Salt Lake City, Utah. 1946.1 located this article through the journal archives in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints Library in Salt Lake City. The article is a newspaper editorial highlighting some of the successes of Japanese soldiers serving in World War II. It was useful in demonstrating that many individuals and businesses developed a new respect for Nisei citizens in light of their World War II military service. This article was not used as a resource in this paper since I chose to delete the lengthy section regarding Nisei service in World War II. However, it is an excellent source for further research as it illustrates lingering tensions, but most importantly, a call to end discrimination against the Japanese. Executive Order 9066: Japanese Relocation Order. By Franklin D. Roosevelt, President of the United States. Washington, D.C.: 1942. Internet online. <http://www.ourdocuments.gov/print_friendly.php?page=transcript&doc=74&title> 29 September 2004 . This website provided a copy of the official Order. It has the 35 subheading of "Authorizing the Secretary of War to Prescribe Military Areas." It was especially useful as the original document was scanned and could be downloaded for printing. The document was used to offer information on the 1942 evacuation order. Fukui, Gene. Interview by Sandra Fuller and Leslie Kelen, 18 August 1984. Special Collections, University of Utah Marriott Library, Accession no. 1209, Salt Lake City, Utah. This interview comes from a collection of oral histories conducted by Sandra Fuller, the Director of the Oral History Department at the University of Utah, along with her assistant Leslie Kelen. The file consists of forty-four interviews with Japanese Americans regarding their lives in Utah. Topics covered within the interviews are the Great Depression, life during and after World War II, Topaz Relocation Center, farming and gardening in northern Utah, business, and life in California. This particular interview was conducted in 1984 and the transcriptions are 48 pages long. This interview provided rich and detailed information regarding personal and family life, childhood chores, working relationships between father and children, the Buddhist bazaars, Nisei sports, and the importance of education. Fukui, Gene. Interview by R. Todd Welker, 23 January 2002. Corrine, Utah. Audio. (Tapes in R. Todd Welker's possession). Todd Welker, a doctoral student at the University of California, San Diego, loaned me tapes of interviews with Japanese American farmers he conducted for his Master's thesis in 2002. In his interviews, he focused mostly on the immigrant farmer's relationship with the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company. However, these tapes proved to be a valuable source for this project as well. Mr. Fukui was a second generation farmer whose experiences with the Utah Farm Bureau and the Beet Growers Association benefited this project. 36 Miya, Min. Interview by author, 14 October 2004. Layton, Utah. Audio. (Tapes in author's possession). Mr. Miya and his wife Ume provided valuable details regarding their farming experiences in Davis County. They owned and worked a large farm in combination with Mr. Miya's parents and siblings. They were active in farming associations and helped to sponsor events such as picnics and bazaars. The Miyas followed Japanese tradition upon marrying by having the wife move into the home of his parents (he is the oldest son). The experiences they incurred during these early years are unique and fascinating. Their expertise and knowledge was extremely useful in this project. Miya, Nakaemon. Personal history (1970). Ed. Paul Kato, Utah Historical Society, 2000. (Photocopy provided by Mrs. Yukio Miya). Mr. Miya wrote his life history when he was 82 years old. He describes his life in Japan, his immigration to the United States, and his early years as a railroad worker and farm laborer. He discusses further his life as a potato and beet farmer in Colorado and then Utah. The document was used to provide details of land leases and purchases, financial aspects of farming, and farming experiences in general. Miya, Seki. Interview by Paul Kato, 20 March 1976. Syracuse, Utah. (Photocopy provided by Mrs. Yukio Miya). Mrs. Miya was born to a tea leaf farmer in Japan and immigrated to the United States in 1918 as a picture bride. This interview describes the circumstances surrounding her marriage, journey to the United States, and life in Utah as a farmer's wife. She raised six children and worked along side her family in their sugar beet fields. While farming, the Miya's belonged to a farmer's association and employed a mediator to aid in contract negotiations. In addition to farming related information, this interview 37 contains a very human side as Mrs. Miya explains her affection towards her family, especially her deceased husband. This interview was used extensively in the first section of the project. Miya, Renie. Interview by author, 19 October 2004. Clearfield, Utah. Audio. (Tapes in author's possession). Renie Miya is the last and probably final farmer in the Miya family. Although he has numerous cousins, he is the only third-generation Miya who has chosen farming as a profession. This interview was applied to the project to compare Renie's experiences as a "modern" farmer to those of his Nisei father and Issei grandfather. Miya, Yukio. Interview by author, 19 October 2004. Clearfield, Utah. Audio. (Tapes in author's possession). Mr. Miya is the youngest of the Miya children. Although he is seventy-five years old, he still farms in Clearfield with his son, Renie. His wife immigrated from Japan in 1960 and was the housekeeper for a popular movie and television star. Their shared experiences in farming, as well as numerous social activities, enriched this project. They also provided me with copies of interviews of his parents, Nakaemon and Seki Miya. The Miya family graciously provided personal, cultural, and agricultural details to this project, and their story is reflective throughout the paper. Nagao, Tomo. Interview by author, 11 October 2004. Honeyville, Utah. Audio. (Tapes in author's possession). Tomo Nagao and his wife, June, were Japanese American farmers - in Honeyville. Mr. Nagao and his brother purchased their father's land and then divided it evenly. The Nagao's grew row-crops and raised cattle. Their produce was sold to Del Monte and Utah-Idaho Sugar Company. They are still active in the 38 Japanese community and in the Honeyville branch of the Buddhist church. They were a gracious couple whose histories offered significant substance to this project. Nishiguchi, Frank. Interview by R. Todd Welker, 6 January 2002. Riverside, Utah. Audio. (Tapes in R. Todd Welker's possession). This is the most lengthy of Mr. Welker's interviews. Mr. Nishiguchi was a second-generation farmer who not only has expertise in farming but in politics, farming organizations, corporate details of the U&I Sugar Company, and Japanese/Anglo relations. This interview proved to be very useful in this project with Mr. Nishiguchi's experiences in county and state farm bureaus. Nishiguchi, Frank. Telephone interview by author, 30 November 2004. (Notes in author's possession). This interview was conducted to validate and clarify data regarding the "infamous" Nishiguchi celery. Mr. Nishiguchi was extremely helpful in providing unique and interesting information. The interview also provides information regarding his years of service as president of the Utah Farm Bureau. Okada, Tetus. Interview by R. Todd Welker, 23 January 2002. Corrine, Utah. Audio. (Tapes in R. Todd Welker's possession). Mr. Okada is one of four brothers who began farming after the death of their father prior to World War II. They share similar experiences with other Japanese farmers, however, Mr. Okada's view of the Farm Bureau, the sugar company, and the Mormon Church mirror the other histories. These views provided a different perspective to the paper. Okada, B. Toru. Interview by Sandra Fuller and Leslie Kelen, 18 August 1984. Special Collections, University of Utah Marriott, Accession no. 1209, Library, Salt Lake City, Utah. This 118 page interview was obtained through the archives at the University of Utah Library. 39 Mr. Okada was born in 1919 and farmed in Corinne along with his brothers. This transcript offers information regarding their heritage, farming and agricultural methods, economic circumstances, and other pertinent data. Many of the stories found within the transcripts are interesting, captivating, and humorous. Because of the comprehensive nature, this particular interview provided information in many aspects, such as agricultural practices, crops, equipment, farm bureaus, religion, and the Anglo community. Salt Lake Tribune. Salt Lake City, Utah. 1946. This editorial article is located at LDS Church library. The article illustrates the changing attitudes towards the Japanese peoples after World War II. It quotes an editorial from the New York Times that calls for an end to discrimination, which perhaps suggests a movement towards ending prejudices against Japanese Americans. This article was not used for the same reason as the Deseret News article. Sayama, Atsushi. Interview by author, 15 October 2004. Brigham City, Utah. Audio. (Tape in author's possession). Mr. Sayama is a second-generation farmer who took over his , father's farm in Corrine, Utah. Mr. Sayama and his wife Shirley discussed the histories of their parents and then provided details into their own experiences. They retired only several years ago from farming and share expertise in many aspects of farming, marketing, and cultural and social aspects of Japanese American life in Box Elder County. This interview was especially useful in providing information regarding the Honeyville Buddhist Church. Sumida, Paul. Interview by author, 11 October 2004. Perry, Utah. Audio. (Tape in author's possession). Paul and Jean Sumida live on Highway 89 in Perry, Utah. Mr. Sumida was 40 raised on a farm but educated at Utah State University as a junior high school math teacher. In 1969, he purchased 25 acres of neglected orchards which took five to ten years to transform. At one point, he taught school, worked at Smith's Food King, and farmed the orchard. The Sumida's marketed their fruit in a stand next to their home for about twenty years. This interview provided excellent information regarding the struggles and rewards of orchard farming, as well as entrepreneurial farming and marketing processes. Tanaka, Dan. Interviewed by R. Todd Welker, 23 January 2002. Honeyville, Utah. Audio. (Tape in R. Todd Welker's possession). Mr. Tanaka's interview offers similar farming details found in the other interviews but provides two unique points. The first is his experiences on Japanese baseball teams during the 1950s. These teams were a major social event for all members of Japanese families. Mr. Tanaka also offers a unique insight into intermarriage—he and his Caucasian wife married in 1959. They believe theirs to be one of the first Anglo/Japanese marriages in the area. This interview was most helpful in describing the social connections found in Nisei baseball. Tazoi, Jim. Interviewed by R. Todd Welker, 6 January 2002. Garland, Utah. Audio. (Tape in R. Todd Welker's possession). Although Mr. Tazoi is a veteran of the infamous all Japanese 442nd unit during World War II, this interview focuses mostly on his experiences as a Nisei farmer during the 1940s through his retirement in the 1980s. He and his brother, also a war veteran, purchased land shortly after the war and remained farmers throughout their working years. This is an extremely useful and fascinating interview that offers insight into pertinent information such as farm bureaus, the UtahIdaho Sugar Company, and other critical factors. 41 Utah Farm Bureau News. Salt Lake City, Utah. 1983 and 1985. This newspaper is published monthly and serves Utah farmers. It highlights the successes within the agricultural industry, and two articles focusing on Frank Nishiguchi were located through the Utah Historical Society. They were beneficial in providing sufficient details regarding his service in the Utah Farm Bureau and agricultural advisory committee. Yagi, Junior. Interview by R. Todd Welker, 15 December 2001. Corinne, Utah. Audio. (Tape in R. Todd Welker's possession). This interview is similar to the others except Mr. Yagi has a unique perspective of Japanese farming in Northern Utah—he was a Japanese farmer who was married to a Mormon, sent three sons on LDS missions, and then . converted to the LDS Church himself. These experiences provided a unique look at institutions, such as the church owned sugar company and farm bureaus that the other interviews did not provide. Secondary Sources Huchel, Frederick M. The History of Box Elder County. Salt Lake City: Utah Historical Society, 1999. This book is a comprehensive study of the history of Box Elder County, beginning with the natural setting and environment prior to settlement. The author is a historian, as well as a lifelong resident of Box Elder County. Although most of the text covers unrelated topics, it does have three separate sections detailing the Japanese American community within Box Elder County. These topics describe the customs, beliefs, and practices of Japanese immigrants, racial discrimination, and their agricultural contributions. The bibliography of this book was useful in providing newspaper and archival sources. 42 Ichihashi, Yamato. Japanese in the United States. New York: Arno Press and The New York Times, 1969. First published in 1932, this book describes many conditions faced by Japanese immigrants. The areas of focus within the text are the causes leading to Japanese immigration, Japanese farmers and agriculture, the Gentlemen's Agreement, and anti-alien laws. Although this work covers only Japanese immigration through the late 1920s, it was used to provide valid statistical data, such as career background on immigrants. Kelen, Leslie G. and Eileen Hallet Stone. Missing Stories: An Oral History of Ethinic and Minority Groups in Utah. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1996. This book contains oral histories on a significant number of Japanese Americans, three of whom were farmers. The introduction for the Japanese section includes a lengthy history of Japanese immigration to Utah. This work provided background information regarding anti-alien immigration laws that were passed in the latter portion of the nineteen-century and early decades of the twentieth-century. It also offered insight into the cultural practices and beliefs of the Japanese people, while describing the work ethics and family responsibilities common to Japanese American farms. The oral histories also offered descriptions of the agricultural produce, methods of distribution, as well as some of the prices of the fruits and vegetables. Nagata, Ted, ed. Japanese Americans in Utah. Salt Lake City: JA Centennial Committee, 1996. This book is a compilation of biographies, narratives, and photographs pertaining to the Japanese community within Utah. It was edited by a Japanese American and is an insightful view into the values of a unique culture. The book contains one section designated specifically to Japanese farmers, offering descriptions into the availability of 43 land, working conditions, farming equipment, and family responsibilities. The end of the book contains a lengthy record of short Issei histories that were submitted by family . members. This section was useful in providing names of prospective interviewees as the occupations of the individuals were provided along with the name, address, and relationship of the person submitting the history. This book was invaluable and was used extensively to provide information on farming, social, military, and religious activities. Papanikolas, Helen Z. and Alice Kasai. "Japanese Life in Utah." In The Peoples of Utah, Helen Z. Papanikolas, ed. Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976. This project looks into the roots and histories of Utah's ethnic past with a significant portion dedicated to people of Japanese descent. While much of the information within this book is similar to that found in other texts, there are unique details regarding the cultural aspects of Japanese immigrants and their descendents. Other useful information includes relevant legislation, awards, and political influence of Japanese individuals or communities. This work provided information into the Buddhist church and Japanese schools. Smith, Elmer R. "The Japanese in Utah (Part I)." Utah Humanities Review 2 (April 1948): 129144. Elmer R. Smith wrote this scholarly article as an anthropologist studying the Japanese community within Utah after World War II. The project is divided into two parts with Part I focusing on the social relationships between Anglo and Japanese residents. It provides critical census data relating to the Japanese community, pre and post-World War II. Also described are typical employment opportunities for early immigrants, their descendents, and the West coast evacuees during the war. The article 44 offers insight into cultural practices during the first half of the twentieth-century. This article was not cited, but it was useful in providing background information on the Nisei generation in general. . "The Japanese in Utah (Part II)." Utah Humanities Review 2 (July 1948): 208-230. Part II of this project looks at Nisei (second generation—born in America) culture where Part I focuses mostly on Issei (first generation Japanese—born in Japan). This article concentrates heavily on the education and employment opportunities of the Nisei in Utah, including agricultural employment. It also offers great insight into the tolerance (or lack of) towards persons of Japanese descent during and after World War II. It describes proposed Utah legislation attempting to outlaw the sale of land to any individual of Japanese descent, along with community reactions to suggested legislation. Because this article is almost sixty years old, it was useful in displaying a different perspective or insight than the more contemporary works. It was written shortly after World War II and is reflective of the atmosphere regarding discrimination during those years. Taylor, Sandra C. "Leaving the Concentration Camps: Japanese American Resettlement in Utah and the Intermountain West." Pacific Historical Review 60 (May 1991): 169-194. Sandra Taylor is a history professor at the University of Utah. This scholarly article focuses on the resettlement process required by Japanese internees following their release during World War II. It specifically examines individuals who chose to settle in the intermountain region. This article does not provide detailed information on agriculture, but it does offer needed facts, such as statistical information on the interned, those 45 released for work duty, as well as other data. It also provides extensive background on the War Relocation Authority (WRA), discrimination issues, and employment » opportunities for Japanese Americans during the 1940s. This article was used only to supply statistical data concerning the work release program for individuals interned at Topaz. Walz, Eric. "From Kumamoto to Idaho: The Influence of Japanese Immigrants on the Agricultural Development of the Interior West." Agricultural History 74 (Spring 2000): 404-418. Eric Walz is a history and political science professor at Brigham Young UniversityIdaho. This scholarly article was extremely helpful as is offers background information on Japanese immigrants who arrived in Utah at the beginning of the twentieth century. It provided excellent descriptions of the working conditions found in Utah, as well as the work ethics of Japanese immigrants. While focusing on Japanese farmers throughout Utah, this article does discuss several Japanese farmers in Box Elder County. It offers insight into the lives of women and children and their contribution to family agricultural businesses. The footnotes and bibliography of this valuable article directed me to an extensive collection of Japanese oral histories found in the archives at the University of Utah. This scholarly article, however, was most useful in illustrating the proper layout of a lengthy social history paper. "Japanese Immigration and Community Building in the Interior West, 1882-1945." Ph.D. diss., Boise State University, 1998. This dissertation focuses on all aspects of life within the Japanese American community in the Intermountain West. It was a superb resource tool in enhancing my knowledge in Japanese immigration, tradition, religion, and discrimination. The dissertation provided excellent information on Japanese agriculture 46 before and during World War II. It details sugar beet farming, truck farming, agricultural associations, and anti-alien land legislation, all of which were used in this project. Welker, R. Todd. "Sweet Dreams in Sugar Land: Japanese Farmers, Mexican Farm Workers, and Northern Utah Beet Production." Masters thesis, Utah State University, 2002. This thesis was located in the Utah State University Merrill Library. It is a manuscript containing a tremendous amount of information regarding early twentieth-century beet farmers in Box Elder County. The thesis compares working relationships between the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company, Japanese immigrant farmers, and Mexican immigrant farmers. The bibliography of the thesis has proven to be especially helpful—Mr. Welker graciously loaned me use of taped oral histories of four northern Utah Japanese American farmers. These interviews were invaluable in writing this project. They were never transcribed so I completed the task, keeping copies for myself and forwarding copies to Mr. Welker. (The thesis concentrated on ethnic relations and was only used to provide the percentage of sugar beet acreage farmed by Isseis.) Yakasaki, Norika. "Ethnic Cooperativism and Immigrant Agriculture: A Study of Japanese Floriculture and Truck Farming in California." Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1982. This dissertation was made available through interlibrary loan. Although it focuses on Japanese farmers within California, it offers insight into Japanese culture, farming techniques, and marketing practices. It is a comprehensive study covering immigration, family life, racial discrimination, and the economic aspects of < truck farming. I incorporated information regarding truck farmers into the paper. Yang, John H., ed. Asian Americans in Utah: A Living History. Salt Lake City: State of Utah 47 Office of Asian Affairs, 1999. Using a similar perspective to other texts, this book offers a significant amount of duplicate information and statistical data. It was, however, useful in its comprehensive explanation of Japanese terms such as Issei, Nisei, and Sansei. These terms are explained in other texts but in less detail. This text also was used in understanding the chronology of anti-alien legislation that was common to the first onehalf of the twentieth century. 48