Oral History Program Nzema Okeke Interviewed by Ademola Adetula 17 July 1972 i Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Nzema Okeke Interviewed by Ademola Adetula 17 July 1972 Copyright © 2014 by Weber State University, Stewart Library ii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in University Archives. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description The Weber State College/University Student Projects have been created by students working with several different professors on the Weber State campus. The topics are varied and based on the student's interest or task for a specific assignment. These oral history assignments were created to help Weber State students learn the value and importance of recording public history and to benefit the expansion of the Weber State oral history collections. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Okeke, Nzema, an oral history by Ademola Adetula, 17 July 1972, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with Nzema Okeke. The interview was conducted on July 17, 1972, by Ademola Adetula at Nzema Okeke’s residence. Mr. Okeke discusses his knowledge of the Nigerian War and the politics surrounding the issue. AA: Do you mind telling me something about yourself? NO: I will be glad to do so, I was born at Oweri, Eastern Nigeria, now known as East Central State of Nigeria, in 1943. I received my elementary education at St. John's School and my high school education at Oweri High School. Having graduated from high school in 1961, I went to work for the Cabinet Office in Lagos. There I worked almost one year before I left Nigeria for Oxford University in January of 1962 where I received my B. S. degree in Political Science in 1964. I went back to Nigeria in 1964 and I was there until January 1971. That's when I came to the United States for my Master’s degree in Political Science at Stanford University. I am married with two children, Maya and Iwue. Swimming is my hobby. I am now working on my PhD in Political Science. AA: In which part of Nigeria were you before, during and after the Nigerian Civil War? NO: I was in Lagos before the war. I left for East Central State during the war, and after the war I left for Lagos again, AA: What role did you play in the war? NO: At first I never thought about it seriously, and I didn't take part. But when the Federal troops were advancing too far into the interior, I played my part like any other honest civilian. 1 AA: How? NO: I gave my advice to the Biafran leader to consider round- table solutions. AA: What, in your view, are the main causes of the Nigerian Civil War? NO: Of the ills which plagued the old Nigeria, the biggest of these were regionalism and tribalism. The unintentional mistake of the past, due to inexperience in the practical art of government, was to devise the structure of our Federal system of government without making full provision for the heterogeneity and diversity of our people. Lasting unity can be achieved by the harmonization of these diversities by the federal Government but Nigeria worked on the assumption that this essential commodity "unity" was already achieved. Because of this wrong premise, the central authority which ought to be the unifying and rallying focal point of our people became a competing ground for power by the various regional blocks. The national will, as well as the national goal, was lost. To almost all Nigerians, the region took priority over the nation. As a result the fear of domination by one region over the other became evident, as well as the fear of small tribal groups dominated by a larger tribe within the same region. This constant power struggle overshadowed everything else. Ethnic groupings which, if properly employed, would have brought untold blessings to Nigeria were whipped up into tribalism and exploited to perpetuate power and tribal domination at the expense of the whole country. Its base root became inefficiency and nepotism. The election process, through the political party system of government, the best yet devised in a democratic society, became fouled in our own. Every election generated acrimony and finally bloodshed. The census, a great instrument for social and economic reconstruction, was seen as a passport to power control, and this was one of those things that shook the foundations 2 of the Federation out of stability. Our economy followed the same wrong premises as the political and had no national content or purpose, despite the rapid advance made during the pre-independence and post- independence periods. Education, the most important subject in the instrument of change, seemed to be the most unchanging of all. This was never deliberate in our national thinking and planning. Nigeria spent all energy in fighting colonialism, and never realized that to throw off colonialism without throwing off the educational system on which colonialism rested, was to perpetuate this slavish mentality in ourselves, only this time financed by us. We substituted Nigerians in place of the white masters, but the educational concept and content, which should have been drastically revised to suit our own environment and national outlook, remained the same, only to be housed in a more grandiose edifice. Nigeria has been engaged in the actual operation of government for more than 12 years. What has experience taught us, what have we learned, and what plans can we make for ourselves, politically, economically, and in the fields of education, as we now look for a Constitution for the future? When the civilians transferred power to the military following the coup of January 15» 1966, we realized that there were far- reaching constitutional problems remaining unsolved which we hoped the Army could resolve more quickly and effectively than the civil authorities. The question is, what is the long- term solution to bring national unity and lasting peace? What type of New Nigeria do we want? Nigeria wants a union in which all citizens irrespective of ethnic affiliation, will be free and equal, 2. A land that will guarantee all basic fundamental human rights to its citizens, with freedom from oppression and suppression. 3. A land in which the rule of law prevails. Above all, a land of one indivisible national identity. We want government of the people, 3 by the people, and for the people. None of the above hopes were achieved by the new military government. But instead, things were getting worse and worse until it got to the point where the regions were rising against one another and all hope and promises for better living were turning up - side - down. AA: For the past five years, nearly all African countries have experienced overnight civilian government take-over by the military officers. May I know your view about military coups in general? NO: I do not support the idea of any military take-over, mostly when it involves taking another man’s life. The main idea behind having military in any country is to defend the country against external attack. But when the military attacks her own government, it shows disrespect and disloyalty to its country. And that is going too far. AA: How did the Nigerian Civil War start? NO: Nigeria's Civil War can really be traced back to a series of disturbances in the Western region, first in the early sixties when the lorubas split into two factions under their main leaders Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Chief S.L. Akintola, Chief Awolowo was tried by the Federal government and imprisoned in 1963 though the majority of Yorubas thought that he was framed for political reasons. From this time onwards the West was seldom tranquil. Serious rioting broke out in 1965 and during the rigged elections of October. The Situation deteriorated to such an extent that a pretext was given to Major Geneneral Aguiyi Ironsi to intervene. In this first violent coup of January 15 1966, almost all the old political leaders were killed including Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the respected Federal Premier, and the Sardauna of Sokoto the most powerful traditional ruler in the north. The soldiers, mostly Ibo officers justified their action by blaming the 4 corruption and inaction of the old regime while centralizing power more effectively in their own hands. The North was slow to react, but finally northern feelings erupted in the riots of May 29, 1966, when 300 ordinary Ibos resident in the north were killed in communal rioting. Two months later came a second military coup in which Ironsi and most of the Ibo officers outside their own Eastern region were killed. An even worse wave of massacres then followed in September when over 10,000 died. The Ibos poured back to their homeland and the inexorable train of events leading to secession was set in motion. Despite the famous Aburi conference in Ghana between Gowon and the Ibo’s leader Odumegwu Ojukwu, the new state of Biafra was finally declared on May 30, 1967. Ojukwu was also a highly civilized man—once a messmate of Gowon and an Oxford history graduate. But old officer cadet friendships quickly evaporated when Gowon's Federal government decided on action to preserve the unity of Nigeria and marched towards Biafra on July 6, 1967. At first the Biafrans had some lightning victories and came within 70 miles of Lagos, but the Nigerians counterattacked and on October 5, 1967 the Biafran capital of Enugu fell. Then the war dragged relentlessly forward. Many commentators were resigned to a state of deadlock and a long drawn Vietnam - type struggle, when suddenly the Biafra collapse came on January 8, 1970. AA: Do you mind telling me all you know about some of the most important events that took place during the Civil War? NO: There are a lot of things to say, but I can only remember a few without specific dates. On May 30, 1967, Ojukwu seceded and declared the Republic of Biafra following the decree announced by Nigerian military head, lakubu Gowon, dividing Nigeria into 12 states. About the middle of 1967, a Nigerian delegation went to Moscow following 5 rejection by British and United States governments of requests for aircraft and sophisticated arms. On the 6th of May that year, as I can recollect, the first fire was opened by both forces and shooting began. Lagos suffered from explosives dropped in the Apapa area. There were reports of heavy battle on the important oil terminal of Bonny in the River State. Biafran aircraft raided most parts of the Northern states in June and August of 1967. In August of 1967, the Chief of Staff of the Nigerian forces, Col. Joseph Akahan, died in a helicopter crash on his way from Oboko. That month the Biafran forces captured most parts of the Southern states and some of the Northern states. The most unstable one was the Biafran troops advancement to Ore in the Western State. This was a threat to both Ibadan, the Western state capital, and the Federal Headquarters in Lagos. In October of 1967, when the Organization of African Unity, (0 A U), consultative committee on Nigeria held talks with the Federal government in Lagos, the hopes were to stop the war. But it was later announced that Ojukwu had rejected the 0 A U panel's proposals for ending the war. AA: Excuse me, please. Did Ojukwu attend the meetings in Lagos? NO: No. He never left Biafra since the war started. AA: How did he know about the 0 A U talks that took place in Lagos? NO: The proposals were communicated to him by Ghana’s Head of State, Lt. General Joseph Ankrah, who was a member of the committee, AA: Thank you. You may go ahead now. 6 NO: The most important thing that happened in December of 1967 was the introduction of the Biafran New Money. Ojukwu had asked the Biafrans to exchange with Nigerian money. AA: Was the money acceptable outside Biafra? NO: No, because Biafra hadn't enough capital to back it in the world market. AA: Were the Biafrans happy about their New Government and money? NO: They were all happy about the government, but they felt reluctant about the money. There were reports that many Biafrans were taken to jail for refusing to change their Nigerian money for the Biafran money. AA: Thank you. Please go ahead. NO: In February of 1968, there was a report that more than 600 foreign mercenaries were gunned down by the Federal troops of which more than half were Chinese soldiers. That month, Tanzania gave recognition to Biafra. In April that year, the Nigerian information commissioner Chief Anthony Enahoro and the Federal Commissioner for Economic Development, Mr. Allison Ayida, met a delegation from Biafra, led by Sir Louis Mbanefo, for exploratory peace talks in London. Also present was the Commonwealth Secretary General Mr. Arnold Smith. It was during that month that Gabon became the second nation to recognize Biafra. It was closely followed by the recognition by the Ivory Coast and lastly Zambia. In May of that year, things were not easy for some Nigerian officers. I could recollect that at least seven officers were publicly executed by firing squads in Benin for murdering some Biafran civilian. 7 AA: Please, do you mind telling me about the reaction of the Nigerian people when the Nigerian troops executed their own officers for the sake of the people that they regarded as enemies? NO: There was hot reaction among the Nigerians mostly the market women who demonstrated against such attitude. But there was no change in the army sector. AA: Thank you. NO: Things went bad for Nigeria at the early part of 1969. At that time Biafran planes attacked Port HarCourt killing many Nigerian soldiers. Benin and Enugun were also raided while Ughelli was captured twice within a month by the Biafran soldiers. Death of many soldiers were reported. The Biafran aircraft also attacked oil installations in the Mid-West. The loss of millions of barrels of oil was reported. Signs of progress did not show up for Nigeria until September when the Nigerian Air Force announced that it had destroyed almost all the Biafran gun-running planes at Uli Airstrip. At the same time the Army announced that more than one thousand Biafran mercenaries were killed. In October, more than half a million Biafran youths appealed to friends and relatives, young and old alike, to desert Ojukwu. AA: What was Ojukwu's reaction about these youth's? NO: He never took them seriously. AA: You may go ahead, please. NO: October was a remarkable month for Nigeria. The ninth anniversary of the attainment of independence was celebrated. That month, one of the most important figures in Biafra, Dr. Azikwe, appealed to the Biafrans to lay down their arms and return to the fold of 8 United Nigeria, Mr. Abdul Attah, Permanent Secretary of Federal Ministry of Finance, told newsmen that the government had recovered over two million dollars out of millions of dollars improperly acquired by certain Nigerians and foreigners in deals from the Nigerian Civil War. He warned that unless stern measures were taken to correct the corrupt practices, the Nigerian economy was likely to suffer serious deterioration in the next few months. Nigeria military leader, lakubu Gowon, later brought the news that the war was near the end and that more than 70,000 people of South Central State had come out to show loyalty to the Nigerian Government. If I could recollect, the greatest hope came to Nigeria in early January when the Biafran radio announced that the Biafran leader, Emeka Ojukwu, had left Biafra in search of peace. That means that there was hope that Biafra would once again unite with Nigeria. And on January 12th, 1970, the Biafran Radio broadcast an address by General Effiong that a high powered delegation from his regime had been given full authority to negotiate with Federal military government officials. He named Sir Louis Mbanefo, Professor Eni Njoku, and Chief Bassey as the delegates. The delegates arrived in Lagos for the Ceremony of "United Nigeria" again and both Nigerian and Biafran soldiers were ordered to give up fighting. And as from the 15th of January 1970, Nigeria and Biafra became "one Nigeria" again. AA: What was the reaction of the people when the war ended? NO: I had never seen happier faces on the streets than those before. There was drum beating all over Nigeria. AA: What can you say about the Nigerian Military head Gowon and the Biafran Military head Ojukwu? 9 NO: Both men were brilliant and courageous, but they had different opinions. Gowon was fighting for United Nigeria while Ojukwu found Nigeria better as two separate countries. But we can neither justify one nor blame the other. AA: Please comment on Nigerian Economy before, during, and after the civil war. NO: Before the war, Nigeria was a dynamic, expanding economy with excellent prospects. It had a wide variety of crops and mineral resources covering the whole gamut of tropical products including cocoa, groundnuts, palm kernels, and rubber. It had all kinds of valuable minerals like oil and iron ore. Agriculture employed more than 75 percent of the whole population. Nigeria was becoming rich. But war brought misfortune to the good economic stand. The simple fact that Nigeria was spending over one million dollars a day for the war was enough to give a set back to the economy. Since the war was over, however, things have become almost normal. AA: What lessons do Nigerians learn from the Civil War? NO: There are many lessons learned. The most important two are: First, to settle differences with peace is more effective than to use force. Nations lose prestige, happiness, and property in using the latter method. And, secondly, unity is the strongest base for a nation. A nation without unity will always fall. AA: Who are the civilians who played important roles for both Nigeria and Biafra during the sad events? And what parts did those people play? NO: It will be hard to mention any single person’s names because everyone in the country played his or her own part. The young ones on both sides were ready to go into the army, while the older people did not hesitate doing what they thought should be done. 10 AA: According to reliable information, the Civil War cost Nigeria and Biafra over one billion dollars. Considering this amount, it is more than Nigeria and Biafra's ten years Gross National Product. How did they get the money? Who helped them and how were they helped? NO: Nigeria, (including Biafra), was a rich country before the war, and when the war was at its peak in 1968 to 1969 many businessmen and companies helped the government financially through donations. In addition to this, Biafra appealed to its supporters both at home and abroad to help. They received help from many countries. AA: Everyone is aware that all African countries depend on foreign power for military aid. Do you mind telling me where and how Nigeria and Biafra Military Governments received their military support? NO: Immediately after the war started in 1967 Nigeria asked for ammunition from the United States of America, and from Great Britain. But the request was turned down; so Nigeria was forced to turn to Russia, which was her only open door. Russia did not hesitate giving Nigeria the ammunition that they wanted. Later Britain accepted to supply Nigeria with ammunitions—which they did but to a limited amount. Biafra received her ammunition from China and some unofficial support from the United States. Mercenaries also fought, but I cannot say definitely where they came from. AA: Before the war started in 1967, Chief Anthonly Enahoro, the Nigerian delegate leader to Kampala and Ethiopia talks, said— "As this chain of events continues to build up at length, no table talk can bring unity to Nigeria, But War." Would you please comment on Chief Enehoro's idiology in bringing peace and unity to Nigeria with war? 11 NO: He was forced to say this as a result of many failures in trying to settle the misunderstandings at the peace table. AA: Did Ojukwu have the support of his people before he seceded from Nigeria or did he use his power as the military head to do so? NO: He received the full support of his people; only when there was sign of failure in the war that some of his supporters were denying him. AA: In his speech to a group of reporters in 1966, Ojukwu said that Nigeria could never be a united country because of different cultures in the four different regions of the country. What is your comment about this statement? NO: That was his own view, but the rest of the people might have and probably did see it in a different light. AA: How did the war end? NO: As a result of much loss of lives and shortage of ammunitions and food, the brave and courageous Biafran soldiers surrendered, AA: How did the Biafran soldiers surrender? NO: Like any other array surrendering to the enemy—in the battle field. AA: How was Nigeria sure that Biafra had surrendered? NO: A day after the Biafran leader General Ojukwu left Biafra his assistant (Effiong), who took his position as a leader, announced over Radio Biafra that the Biafrans would not fight any more and that the Republic of Biafra thereby ceased to exist. He also promised to meet the Nigerian Military leaders anywhere with other Biafran delegates. Having 12 finished his speech, Effiong and his delegates drove down to Lagos to meet with Yakubu Gowon. There they promised to be loyal Nigerians. Did the Nigerian Military leader accept them as loyal Nigerians? Yes. I will expect that any Godly man would accept them the same way. AA: Does Russia have power to control in Nigeria now because of the help they gave Nigeria from the beginning to the end of the war? NO: No. There is no such change in the Nigerian relationship with foreign countries, even those countries who gave full or partial support to Biafra. France and America are still digging oil in Nigeria, and they all have their freedom of movement and speech. But, had the war dragged on through 1970 and beyond, the Russian presence and influence in Nigeria might have become permanent. However, with the end of the war, the Federal Government reviewed every action. AA: How many lives did the war claim? NO: No one can quote the exact number of deaths because many people died as a result of many other causes during the war. Even then, however, I still estimate above two million people. AA: May I know your opinion about the creation of twelve states in Nigeria? NO: The creation of twelve states by the Federal Military Government is one of the greatest events in our constitutional history. It has established the principle of equality among the diverse groups of Nigeria, and thus constitutes the first step to eliminating the fear of domination of one group by another. Some believe, "We must regard every Nigerian as a brother or sister, not as a stranger or a foreigner." Some believe we should have more 13 than 12 States. This is beyond my scope here. Everything necessary for stability when the time comes should be done in the interest of one Nigeria. The creation of States faces squarely the demand by various ethnic groups for self- determination within one Nigeria—that is, providing for unity in diversity. The States also have their corresponding obligations and responsibilities. They must allow the minorities within the States the same principle of identification in the same reciprocal framework. Their supreme obligation is the realization that all their functions are geared towards greater national identity—the Nigerian nation—which they can never obstruct or hinder. If we become more loyal to the State than to the nation, Nigeria will become a very shaky edifice. The civil war should teach us that we do not want a shaky edifice. We must regard every Nigerian as a brother or sister and a citizen of the same nation, not as a stranger or a foreigner. AA: What changes do you want to see in the Nigerian Governmental system? NO: Every aspect of life in a new Nigeria, especially those involving the individual, his property and freedom, should come within the authority of the Federal Government. The first and foremost duty of the Government is to keep, maintain and direct the national aspiration of one Nigeria, one people, and one destiny. Every citizen must look up to the Federal Government as a symbol of this unity of purpose. To achieve this, the exercise of power in the Federal Government must be made to reflect the diversity inherent in the people. Just as we have eliminated the idea of regional domination by the creation of States, in the same way domination by one ethnic group must be eliminated in the arrangement of the Federal Government in the center. But it is for the country to find its own solution. The type of government must have the acceptance of all the States, so 14 that never again can a leader of the country emerge with very limited acceptance. We must devise a government system which is tailored to our circumstances and environment rather than employ political theories imported from abroad which do not relate to us. We may borrow from the experiences of others which fit into our framework, but we should not be slavish to them. AA: What is your suggestion for control of power at the center for the future civilian government? NO: Knowing the attitude of our people to power and authority, and aware of their heterogeneous nature, the symbol of the nation1s power should never convey the idea of permanency. Power is the collective will and authority of individuals and states, surrendered in part or as a whole to a group of people under an expressed leader in the interest of their mutual security. Power is therefore sacred and embodies a collective will. Wisdom dictates from experience that it must have limitations and durations. The man or woman who holds this power becomes the first citizen of the land. This is therefore the crown that everybody wants and dreams of, even though it can be reached by only one among several millions. In our own case, it is complicated by the fact that individuals, even if they cannot get it, hope that one day one of their own ethnic group will. There is nothing wrong in this. I know that the fire of this hope must burn in the Constitution if we are to achieve unity in a country of diversity. Surely if any section forming the union knows that, one day power which is not permanently entrenches in one area will reach it, this will enable that section to accept the present incumbent loyally and affectionately. Perpetual entrenchment by one group will invite instability, chaos, and conspiratorial machinations. We must also eliminate the idea of creating 15 Kings and Emperors by setting time limits for anyone to wield the symbol of power. Experience has shown that we are a temperamental people. We shout Hosannah to the highest for one symbol today, and after some time the enthusiasm begins to decline, no matter what wonderful social measures are introduced. The United States of America, after 150 years, has set a time limit to presidential aspirants. This followed after President Franklin D. Roosevelt had been elected to four terms of four years each. What then can we do? We must wisely employ this period of military rule to deliberate and examine various constitutional aspects of our future which we cannot rush and which we must endeavor to settle before it goes under the Third Republic, so that there will not be other rounds of bickering and quarrels with worse consequences. AA: As a political scientist, what is your opinion about present Nigerian Constitution? NO: The Constitution of the future must make the Federal Government the unquestioned focal point of national unity in which all other things are subordinate. We must not make the mistake of the past Constitution which in certain cases we fitted to suit the leaders of the political parties in the regions. Rather we must first produce a Constitution to suit the nation, and then let the individuals find their place in it. Our political parties must adhere to a truly national aspiration, The experience of the past shows that we must formulate parties suited to us. Copying from other countries has led us astray. Our idea of Opposition parties must be radically changed. Opposition in our brand of politics means enemy of the government. Opposition has no chance of forming an alternative government and its alternative is to seek a way of violently overthrowing the party in power. Perhaps this is one lesson we can learn from Britain, whose Opposition party knows that it can one day come to power. There are other alternatives. The American 16 Presidential system, where the national leader is elected throughout the country and he selects Cabinet members who are not members of the legislature, so that their loyalty is to the nation instead of to the electorate, can be considered. I have set up these problems facing us which we must accept as a challenge, and it is only by seizing them in a way conducive to our growth and stability that we can enjoy the great gift of genuine unity. We have the capacity and capability to do so, and open the way to all Africa. AA: What can you say about education and nationalism in Nigeria? NO: We cannot build the new nation of our dreams and hopes without a drastic change in our educational system. There must be a new education for a new nation. I know it will mean a complete break with the past in order to attend this goal. Our new education must have three main objectives: One, it must embody the spirit of our Nigerian nation and must be the instrument which will create this new nation out of its diversity. Two, our new educational system must lay great emphasis on the vocational and technical aspects of education. Instead of producing millions of young school- leavers who look only to the government white-collar service as their hope for employment and survival, we will by this new approach also turn out people who will seek careers as technicians, farmers, and craftsmen. In this way we shall improve the employment opportunities for many more thousands, and give to our citizens that independence which comes with their own creative self-help and self- improvement. In addition, this will strengthen the framework of the government, and provide the nucleus for our industrial advancement. Our new educational system must call into action the Chancellors and Vice-Chancellors of all our universities to lay the groundwork now for the emergence of Nigerian languages in our legislative chambers and educational conferences. We must set the 17 goal of this realization and work towards it. It may be 25 years from now, or longer, before we introduce our own languages into our Parliamentary debates, but the important thing is that we lay the foundation immediately. We must stop pretending that we can assume any stature of greatness while we still continue to use the language of our ex-masters. I am aware that for our scientific data, our inventions and calculations, we shall have to use English for a long time to come. But it has to be in addition to our own languages, and not a substitute for them. It will be easy for the States to adopt their own language to their own legislatures. When we come to the Federal Government, two or three languages may be decided upon, and in that case we shall use simultaneous translations. The United Nations do this in a large measure. Why not us—in our own interest of national unity? We cannot escape this challenge in our bid for a new nation. Education must take precedence in all our efforts at nation- building. I trust that our country1s educators will meet on this question of education for the new nation to debate and plan its course of action. AA: What is your advice about Economic Nationalism? NO: In the past, our people have seen the forging of the nation through politics. But now we must introduce economic nationalism, strengthening our national unity through commerce and industry. The time has come therefore for a new crop of Nigerian businessmen and industrialists to emerge with the national interest at heart. To achieve this, the country must have a new positive economic philosophy based upon the following: It is the duty of the State to develop the natural resources of the country for the interests of the people of Nigeria. To do so effectively, it must adopt a policy of assisting the people of Nigeria to participate fully in the industrial and commercial 18 activities of the country. By this definition, it becomes of national interest that the Government will step into economic and industrial activity which individuals at present cannot undertake, while making provision and extending assistance for activities which can be undertaken by individuals. In a competitive world, the strength of any country is determined by the strength of its economy, in both the public and private sectors. In the past, our people have spent energy in rivalries among one another, extolling the ideological economic principles of one country against another, forgetting that as a people we 7 have our own economic socialism which we must now develop and faster. The wealth of any Nigerian is shared by his extended family. This we must develop to involve people beyond our family circles, and this is one way in which we can play our part in forging the spirit of one country. Any economic nationalism must be backed by Nigerians themselves. Nigerians must develop trade associations, trade clubs and chambers of commerce of their own, to develop teamwork in the industrial growth of the nation. We must give a time limit when we shall no longer ship our raw materials such as palm kernels, cocoa, soya beans, in bulk form. We shall crush these raw materials locally and then increase the capacity of our own shipping fleets to sell them abroad. This is one aspect where technicians from abroad can help us in our own land. We realize that for some time to come, foreigners will continue to associate in the economic development of our country. In heavy industries a system of partnership should be encouraged, with Nigerians and their Government taking an increasing larger share. Other aspects of the economy such as the retail trade, should pass over to Nigerians under an orderly arrangement. Where necessary, the owners of these retail trading houses should take steps for orderly transfer to Nigerian control. These suggestions for 19 economic development are not new. They have been discussed time and time again. And I realize that the four-year Development Plan is so vast and far-reaching that it has incorporated these points. All I do is re- emphasize their importance, and ask that there should be a philosophy of economic development that will permeate our schools and universities as well as our business life. The mineral resources of Nigeria, no matter from what State, belong to all Nigerians. The law of mineral resources should be farreaching, since even if we know what mineral resources exist today, others could be found elsewhere tomorrow. Once there is a uniform law for all mineral wealth, there will be no trouble. In order to make for a uniform growth o£ economic development throughout the country, a policy to bring all ports and harbors of the country within the Federal authority should be consummated by law. Also in those States which are landlocked should be developed major airports of International standard, and these airports also made Federal responsibility. AA: At present, Nigeria and most parts of Africa still suffer from shortage of agricultural products. How do you think we can overcome this agricultural problem? NO: Our agricultural policy should aim at self-sufficiency, thus giving our people an independent livelihood as was done in their fore fathers time. To achieve this, we must have agriculture in our school and university curricula. Agricultural engineering should be introduced and we will have to strengthen our co-operative farming systems. AA: Thank you for your time and answers. Weber State College and I will always remember you in our records. I deeply appreciate your cooperation. NO: You are welcome, and I will like to thank you for giving me the opportunity to express myself about my country. 20 SUMMARY AND ABSTRACT Our underdeveloped nations are in a race with time. While they struggle to catch up with northern progress, mankind's oldest enemies do their damage now. Hunger and malnutrition kill 10,000 persons a day—mainly children—for life stunt their bodies and deaden their minds. This happens as a result of misunderstanding and the outbreak of wars. Needless diseases cripple and weaken many more as a result of poor nourishment and medical care. Skyrocketing of bribery, tribalism, nepotism and injustices doom young people and adults to a hopeless cycle of poverty. Suffering mounts. Unrest from power— hungry people spread, and the dream of peace explodes in war and turmoil. THE NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR 1967 —1970 INTRODUCTION All people in the world undoubtedly heard about the terrible Nigerian Civil War, but only the "few" people who were in Nigeria during the war can say what was truth concerning the war. But yet, thousands of different news stories were published in the war newspapers. News articles were contradicting one another. It came to a point that the pro-Biafran factions were giving the news to favor Biafra while the pro-Nigerians were showing the world their angle—Nigeria was fighting the most honest war. Cries of genocide were ramparting all streets all over the world! 1 I am like any other person who never had the opportunity to witness the war, but I depend on newspapers and "from mouth to mouth" news. I left my country, Nigeria, over ten years ago; and I have never been there since. I have to thank Weber State College for introducing this Oral History program in the college, and I will be failing in my duty if I do not express my gratitude to Dr. Richard Sadler, the director of the Oral History program. He has been taking much of his time to direct individual students. I know and realize that he has taken much of his personal time to attend to my call, both in his office and at home in order to guide me in my interview. This program is very advantageous to me in many ways. A few of them are as follows: 1. Academic improvement in general, for example. I have never conducted an interview with anyone before. 2. This interview gave me the opportunity of knowing the facts about the Nigerian Civil War. 3. It gave me the opportunity to know more about my country. Although the interview cost me almost a fortune, (since I had to make my way long distances to meet with those who actually got involved with the war,) I was happy to meet with people like Mr. Nzema Okeke from Eastern Nigeria. He used his talent as a political scientist to answer all my questions beyond my expectations. Baba Baro, from Northern Nigeria, did a wonderful job in my interview with him. And Yara Baba had done his best and as a non-citizen of Nigeria, but a Nigerian resident up until the end of the war, he had done a great job. I would like to thank Livy 2 Owok, as a student at the University of Utah, for his help and co-operation in this interview; I was interested in his views. Now, I would like to extend ray special appreciation to Olufemi Ijatula. Being the only female interviewee, I especially appreciated hearing the feminine side of the story. Her views and opinions were extremely helpful. My thanks to them all. I am happy that people like these were present in Nigeria before, during, and after the war. I am proud and happy to say that this interview had been carefully carried out in a very fair manner without prejudiced mannerisms. I did encourage the participants to feel free to say anything in their mind about what they witnessed. I assured them that whatever they did re¬late would not be counted against them in any court of law. Once more, I am happy to see that the interview came to a successful end. The included pictures will also speak of themselves: "War is no good" By: Ademola Adetula 3 THE NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR 1967 — 1970 CONCLUSION Where does Nigeria go from here? Any Nigerian and Nigerian friends should be happy to see the end of the terrible Civil War fought in Nigeria in 1967 -- 1970. Through my interview, anyone can realize that the war left behind remarkable and unforgettable events. It became a great concern to human kindness. The war left behind a wound that will take another generation to heal. Those who never lost their lives in Nigeria during the war blamed their creator for making them witness such fearful events. Heaven looked like Golden City to them. No one knew what the next hour had in stock for him, but always they anticipated when the world or the war would end. The war tore down not only Unity and valuable properties, but also valuable lives. All my three interviewees confirmed, emphatically, that the war claimed about two million lives. This figure is more than the first and the second world wars claimed together. The break-up of Nigeria had been a terrible thing. But it is less then that cruel war. Thousands of innocent people were shot, bombed, or seeing their homes and livelihoods destroyed. Millions, including the children of Africa, were starving to death. Through my interview I could realize that nothing could be done about the suffering innocents since starvation was considered a legitimate war weapon against an enemy, and so Nigerians and Biafrans became another Britons and Germans in Hitler's war. 4 All Nigerians should be happy after the war because Nigeria will now have the opportunity to build a strong nation of which every Nigerian- indeed, every African—can be proud. The Nigerian Civil War has much effect on the important progressive events of Nigeria. It has bad effects on: 1. Education and Skill. 2. Investment in Industry. 3. Industries 4. Medical Duty. 5. Agriculture 6. Unity and Friendship 7. Social Life. All of the above effects have, one way or the other, affected the progress of economic stability in Nigeria. To point out how the war affected the above things, let us start from the beginning. 1. Effect on Education and Skill. Daring the war, many schools and colleges were bombed and broken down. As schools and colleges be¬came the target for bombs and cannons, parents were afraid of allowing their children to go to school. Students who lost their buildings had no other schools to go to. And throughout the wars two years, no school functioned well. That gave Nigerian educational progress a setback. 5 2. Effect on Investment. Because no one knew how the war would end, the well-to- do people refused to invest. So the Nigerian investment ended there. 3. Effect on Industries. Without any doubt, the important industries stopped production as the bombing started. Since management was not sure what the next minute would bring, a bullet or bomb, production was interrupted. Those who could have been working were either in the war front or hiding somewhere in the bush to save their lives. This poor condition forced the industries to close their doors. 4. Effect on Medical Duty. This particular effect extended throughout the country, mostly in the war zone. As bombs shattered the hospitals, doctors and nurses fled for their lives leaving the poor patients who could not get out of their beds. In the hospitals where bombs never dropped, the doctors were assigned to go and help the wounded soldiers in the war front, thereby, leaving the incapable nurses alone in the hospitals. 5. Effect on Agricultural products; this effect was by far the worst. The bombs that rained on the fertile land did a lot of damage to the land and the crops. Food production became short and thousands of people during the war lost their lives as a result of hunger. 6. Effect on Unity and Friendship: Without a doubt, as many people got hurt during the war, so it will take a long time to heal the wound of unity and friendship because the war left behind much mistrust among the people. 7. Effect on Social Life. This effect was remarkable. The evidence of this effect will mainly be on intermarriages among different tribes. I could recollect in 1967 when the war first broke out, some newsmen wrote that the Ibos, who were married to the 6 Northerners, killed their wives and children; while the Hausas married to the Ibos also killed their families. Without any doubt, that event is enough to discourage intermarriage and other social life. 7 POLITICS AND POOR LEADERSHIP: Now let us talk about politics and the poor management by the leaders. Up until the moment, Nigeria and other African countries still engage in what I can term to be "jungle politics." Any member of the opposition is an enemy of the reigning party. There is always outbreak of fighting during elections. "Turgs" are engaged to fight any opposing members. Freedom of speech is taken from minority. This type of ugly scene happens all the time. For example, over a thousand lives and millions of dollars’ worth of property were lost in the 1963 election in Nigeria. And the same thing happened again in the 1965-66 election before the coup/ Now the new style in Africa is the military over-throwing governments. This happens because every man is fighting for power rather than contributing to the progress of the nations in more honorable and honest ways. Stories of molestation of civilians by soldiers fly around every day. Armed robbery by men in uniforms of the Army is always reported. Tea-cup mutinies have been reported in convalescence centers, hospitals and pay offices. For example, Mushin in Lagos in Nigeria was the scene of a real-life tragedy of arson, rape and murder in an incident that featured men in army uniforms. After overthrowing the civilian government, many members of the Nigerian army went on a rampage of looting and rape. 8 There has been continual political interference in the operation of government corporations on the personal level, with "jobs for the boys' playing a dominant role. But at the point where ministerial control should be most important—the point of financial accountability- it has been the most weak. The criminal action against fraudulent public officers in Nigeria is an equally weak reed. In Nigeria and any other parts of Africa, the opposition parties are either weak or non-existent; and it is plainly senseless to think that the ruling parties will expose their own corruption. For example, in 1960, in a very rare demonstration of independence, Nigerian newspapers attacked the Minister of Aviation, Mbadiwe, for a particularly corrupt transaction. He was never prosecuted. Instead, the then Prime Minister Balewa permitted him to retain his ministerial posset, but made him return the plot to the land issue to the government. In the same government, when the Commission of Enquiry into trade malpractices reported fraud and profiteering by high government officials, the report was rewritten by a cabinet committee before it was released to the public. All these types of misuse of government power have done a great damage to our nation. We need better law to protect the innocent people from these greedy political leaders so that there will be no internal war. We still have a long way to go unless there is a stop to all these ugly circumstances. To come to the last section of my conclusion, may I suggest that to succeed in reaching the mountain top of our national goal, Nigeria and even other parts of Africa must do the following things: 9 1. Search and empower the dedicated, modest, honest, and devoted leaders who submerge themselves in service to their nation and mankind. Leaders who abhor greed and detest vanity with great and outstanding integrity. 2. Learn, study, and understand the causes of our civil war. 3. Draw lessons from our difficulties. 4. Set on the task of solution to the problems. 5. Our political parties must adhere to truly national aspiration. 6. There must be substantial constitution to guard the innocents from the greedy and army officers. More money must be spent on education and the system must be changed and great emphasis must be laid on vocational and technical aspects. 1. Foreign investors must be encouraged and exploitation must be discouraged. 2. Our agricultural policy should aim at self-sufficiency, thus giving our people an independent livelihood. And to achieve this we must have agriculture in our school and university curricula. Agricultural engineering should be introduced and strengthen our co-operative farming system. 3. More hospitals should be built and government provision for more doctors for the needed hospitals. All the hospitals should be fully equipped. 4. The government should pass laws prohibiting army takeover. 10